Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal

1:

z

THE JOURNAL

ASIATIC SOCIETY

B E N G A I..

F^DITED

BY THE SECRETARY.

VOL. IX.

PART II.— JULY TO DECEMBER, 1840.
NEW SERIES.

" It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science, in differ-
ent parts of Asia will commit their observations to writing, and send them to the Asiatic Society
in Calcutta; it will languish, if such communications shall be long intermitted ; and will die away
if they shall entirely cease."~SiR Wm.,,^^^^^^/^^

BISHOP'S COLLEGE PRESS.

1840.

CONTENTS.

No. 103.

I.— Points in the History of the Greek and Indo-Scythian Kings in Bactria,
Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering the ancient legends on their
coins. By Christian Lassen, Bonn, 1838. (continued.) 627

II.— Abstract Report of the Proceedings of the Committee appointed to super-
intend the Boring Operations in Fort "William, from their commencement in
December, 1835, to their close in April, 1840. By Col. D. McLeod 677

III.— Report on a line of Levels taken bj order of the Right Honorable the
Governor General, between the Jumna and Sutlej rivers. By Lieut. W. E.
Baker, Superintendent of Canals West of the Jumna. .... 688

IV. — Memoir on the Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan). By Lieut.

Tickell 694

V. — Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. By Captain Edward Conolly,
6th Cavalry 710

VI. — Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. *••• 726

No. 104.

I. — Points in the History of the Greek and Indo-Scythian Kings in Bactria,
Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering the ancient legends on their
coins. By Christian Lassen, Bonn, 1838. (concluded.) .... .... 733

II. — Paper on Ancient Land Grants on Copper, discovered in Assam. Com-
municated by Major F. Jenkins, Governor General's Agent N. E.
Frontier, (with plate) .... 766

III. — Memoir on the Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan.) By Lieut.

Tickell, (concluded,) 783

IV. — Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, and the adjacent Districts. By Captain Fisher,

formerly Superintendent of Kachar and Jynta 808

V. — Memorandum on the "Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Khorassan, and
on the produce of Indigo in Sinde. By Lieut. J. Postans, Assistant Poli-
tical Agent, Upper Sinde 843

VI.— On the Historical Geography of Hindustan, and the origin of the Social

State among the Hindus. By Jas. Bird, Esq 848

VII.— Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, 859

iv Contents.

No. 105.

I. — Description of, and deductions from a consideration of some new Bactrian

coins. By Lieut. Alexander Cunningham, Engineers. 867

Jl.—Notes of a March from Brimham Ghat on the Nerbudda, to Umurkuntuk,

the Source of that River. By G. Spilsbury, Esq. (with plate.) 889

III.— Notice of Amulets in use by the Trans- Himalayan Boodhists. By W. E.

Carte, Esq. (ivith plate.) 904

IV. — Report on the Country between Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde.

By Capt. E. P. De la Hoste, Assistant Quarter- Master General 907

V. — Narrative of facts attending the Wreck of the Transport "Indian Oak,"

on the Loochoo Islands; communicated from the Political Secretariat Office,

Government of India. 916

VI. — Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. By the late Capt. Edward

Conolly 924

VII.— Extract from Proceedings of the Numismatic Society of London, 1837-38. 938
VIII. — Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 941

No. 106.

I. — Extracts from the Journal of an Expedition into the Naga Hills on the
Assam Frontier. By Lieut. Grange, Assistant Political Agent, undertaken
by order of Government in the beginning of 1840, (taken by permission from
the records of the Political Secretariat under the Government of India) .... 947

II. — A short Memoir of Mechithar Ghosh, the Armenian Legislator. By Johan-
nes Avdall, Esq., M. A. S. &c 967

III.— Letters, forwarding a Paper on the formation of the Museum of Economic

Geology of India, from Captain Tremenheere, Engineers. 973

IV. — Grammatical construction of the Ho language. By Lieut. Tickell 997

v.— Note, to be appended to my account of the coins of Mayas, in the article on

"Some New Bactrian Coins." No. 105. By Lieut. A. Cunningham 1068

VI. — A Third Memoir with reference to the Theory of the Law of Storms in
India; being. Researches relating to the Hurricane in the Bay of Bengal,
and at Cuttack, from 27th April to 1st May 1840. By H. Piddington, Esq.. .
{with plates) 100^

Vir — Proceedings of the Asiatic Society 1055

No. 107.

I.— Vocabulary of the Ho language. By Lieut. Tickell 1063

II.— A short account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur, in North Sind.

By Captain G. E. Westmacott, 37th Regiment Bengal Native Infantry 1090

III.— A cursory Notice of Nayakote. By B. H. Hodgson, Esq. Resident at

the Court of Nepal. ...1114

IV.— Fossil Shells discovered by Captain Hay, 1st European Regiment, in the

neighbourhood of Bajgah, Afghanistan, {with plates) 1126

v.— Proceedings of the Asiatic Society,.... 1129

Contents. v

No. 108.

I,— The Galvanic Battery in its various Practical Applications as an Igniting

Agent. By Lieut. R. Baird Smith, Bengal Engineers, (with plate,) .... 1149
II.— On the Common Hare of the Gangetic Provinces, and of the Sub-Hema-

laya; with a slight notice of a strictly Hemalayan species. By B. H.

Hodgson, Esq. Resident at the Court of Nepal 1 183

III. — A Short account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur, in North Sind.

By Captain G. E. Westmacott, 37th Regt. Bengal N. I. (concluded.) .... 1187
IV. — Three new Species of Monkey; with remarks on the genera Semnopi-

thecus et Macacus. By B. H. Hodgson, Esq 1211

v.— General notice of the tribe of Kujjukzyes (Upper Sinde). By Capt.

N. Hart, 2nd Regt. Grenadiers (Bombay Army.) 1214

VI. — Second Notice of some forged coins of the Bactrians and Indo-Scythians,

By Lieut. Alexander Cunningham, (with plate.) .... 1217

Index.

Page.

Proceedings of the Committee ap-
pointed to superintend the Boring
Operations in Fort William, from
their commencement in December,
1835, to their close in April, 184U,
Abstract Report of the, by Col. D.
McLeod, 677

Silk Trade between Shikarpore and
Khorassan, and the produce of In-
digo in Sinde, Memorandum on the,
By Lieut. J. Postans, Assistant
Political Agent, Upper Sinde, . . . , 843

Page.

Sketch of the Physical Geography of
Seistan. By Capt. Edward ConoUy,
6th Cavalry, 710

Vocabulary of the Ho language. By
Lieut. Tickell, .... ....1063

Wreck of the Transport " Indian
Oak," on the Loochoo islands,
Narrative of facts attending the.
Communicated from the Political
Secretariat Office, Government of
India, 916

JOURNAL

ASIATIC SOCIETY

Points in the History of the Greeks and Indo- Scythian Kings
in Bactria, Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering
the ancient legends on their coins. By Christian Lassen,
Bonn, 1838.1

Character of the Alphabet.

The rule for reading the Alphabet is the Semitic_, and this
fact is the more remarkable, as the Indian characters of the
immediate neighbourhood, as well as those occurring upon
Greek coins, coeval with the most ancient coins on which the
Cabulian characters occur, have never assumed this direction
in all the varieties which the Indian alphabet has gone through
within India and out of its confines.

The arrow-headed inscriptions too have the same direction
with the Indian, and though at least one variety of them
does not express the a, following consonants, yet it has not,
as the characters of the coins have, signs of the shortened
vowels i and u.

On the other hand, there is evidently in the legends a certain
approximation to the Indian system of vowel-writing, not
especially by the fact, that i and perhaps also u, even when
short, are not denoted by marks on the consonants, nor by
the other similarity, that they are not represented, even when
long (with u however this is mere conjecture) by the correspond-
ing quiescent semivowels j and v ; for the first may occur in
* Continued from p. 488. vol. ix.
No. 103. New Series, No. 19. 4 l

628 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

Semitic alphabets^ the latter may be omitted in them, especi-
ally if they be applied to a foreign language ; but this approxi-
mation of the vowel system is made remarkable by the pecu-
liarity, that a is not treated in the same manner with i, but
is considered inherent as in Indian languages. Whenever any
Semitic language expresses the short vowels by smaller
signs, it does so with a as well as with i and u : whenever it
denotes the long vowels by quiescent consonants, similar to
vowels, it applies for this purpose ^^ as well as •» and 1. But
all Indian alphabets represent, as our coins do. A, I, U, by
their own signs only as initials to syllables, but never A, when
following a consonant, and the other vowels only by abbrevia-
tions.

The diphthongs, at least 6, do not follow the Indian system,
according to which ^ "^ te, tai, ^^ to, as well as ^ tu, are
written by abbreviated signs, they do not follow a Semitic
system ; but the diphthongs are placed in the line with the other
letters, and 6 has in the writing no reference to u ; e has it not
to ee ; while instances of the uncontracted diphthongs di and du
are wanting. The instance of Eukratides can decide nothing as
to the system of orthography peculiar to the language.

As the diphthongs are written in this language, so were all the
vowels in Zend ; but that language distinguishes between long
and short vowels, though the former are but amplifications of
the latter.

Now supposing that the characters on the coins were a Semi-
tic alphabet applied to an Indo-Iranian dialect, the shapes of
the consonants, and the initial vowels, might be considered as of
Semitic origin, the principle for the medial vowels would have
been borrowed from the Indian system of orthography, while an
independent principle was invented for the diphthongs ; and if
the orthography of the Zendic language were likewise of Semitic
origin, the principle adopted on the legends for only 6, (and e)
would have been extended in this language to all vowels.

This conjecture embraces the postulate, that at the period
when the characters on the coins were introduced, the Indian
alphabet had already completed the system upon which its pe-
cuUar mode of representing the vowels is founded.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coifis, 629

This supposition may^ I think, be proved correct.

Let us first of all dismiss any consideration of the Semitic
origin of both alphabets, and look to the reference they have one
to another. If in the one, the system of vowels be of Indian
origin, and in the other original (and peculiar to the language,)
as above supposed, there can be no point of comparison. But
with regard to the diphthong 6, it is worth remarking, that ^, 6,
has the form t^ on later coins, but slightly differing from 0;?, and
hence it would appear as if the Zen die alphabet had borrowed
this 6 from the alphabet on the coins. This, however, does not
hold good with e.

By comparing the consonants, we find resemblances perhaps
only between r and w, (not v, of the Zend alphabet), and n, in
which, however, the similarity is very obvious, though we in fact
are comparing two extreme points only, viz. the characters on
the coins in th^ir most ancient form, and the Zendic character
of wholly modern manuscripts. With other letters we only
require a common medium of comparison to ascertain their rela-
tion, as for instance with m, dh, and others.

I do not propose to carry this comparison further, which to
afford satisfactory evidence, would require us to obtain in the first
instance the characters of the coins in their latest shapes ; and
would also necessitate us to point out in the Zendic alphabet,
what characters were subjected to a change of shape, to which the
nasals are especially liable. Lastly, it would not be sufficient to
confine our comparison to these two alphabets ; all other alpha-
bets must be similarly considered, which in a geographical
and historical point of view are included in the same circle as
these, viz. the Pehlvi characters of the books of the Parsees, so
intimately connected with the Zendic character, as well as the
various characters of the Sassanian monuments. All of them
are closely connected, first, in a geographical point of view, as
they are the native tongues in the countries west of the Indus,
and east of the Euphrates, viz., in Iran, probably so called ; and
secondly, in an historical point of view, as they came into lise in
the period intervening between Alexander the Great and the
invasion of the Mahomedans.

Without at all deciding on the time' when the Zendic

630 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

works were first composed, it is certainly evident, that the
characters of the coins, appearing before the dominion of the
Sassanians, were the most ancient of the alphabets of Central
Iran.

The characters on the coins are therefore of special im-
portance with regard to their relations to Semitic alphabets,
before proposed as a mere conjecture, and if we do consider
that it was during the dominion of the Seleucides, and their
successors, in use in Bactria and Parthia, we must look for
the model upon which they are formed, in the capitals of the
Seleucidian power, if their origin from the west be admitted.
The comparison must consequently specially include all that
may be most likely to afford us an idea of the Syrian alphabet,
as it was in use under the Seleucides, such as the inscriptions of
Palmyra, though the most ancient of them is nearly a century
and a half later than the characters on the coins.

These conjectures pretend to no more authority than is
implied in them as mere suggestions, and they must not hinder
us from determining more exactly the alphabet on the coins in
a geographical and chronological point of view.

Its geographical limits are connected with the extent of the
Greco-Bactrian and Indo- Scythian power southward from the
Indian Caucasus. None of the Greek kings who reigned in
Bactria only has made use of this alphabet on his coins, and
even of those who have adopted them, Eukratides perhaps alone
possessed territories in Bactria, as well as southward from the
Caucasus.

To this we must add the following : the Kanerkis, who, while
passing towards India, must have lingered longer in Bactria
than other Scythians, because they appropriated to themselves
in preference Bactro-Persian gods, have, like the Greek purely
Bactrian kings, never adopted this alphabet.

This being so, we cannot help supposing, that the characters
of the coins were not indigenous to Bactria, that is to say,
that they existed to the south only, and not to the north of
the Caucasus.*

* A short inscription, a word from Bamian, which Mr. Masson had read
according to their alphabet, is quite uncertain, As. T. v. 188.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 631

They are discovered to the east in topes, near Jelalabad, and
between the Indus and Hydaspes m Manikyala, but further
eastward than this, they have not been met with. We also do
not know yet whether they extend to Kandahar, in a more
westerly direction. To the north of the Cabul river those cha-
racters are met with in Kapurdigarhi, in the ancient Peuke-
laotis. As. Trans, v. PI. xxviii.

As the matter therefore rests at present, we may assert, that
these characters were geographically limited to the country
about the Cabul river, and we will term the characters on the
coins THE Cabulian Alphabet.

Menandros, or Eukratides, is the first who made use of the
alphabet. That we may not pretend to fix the time more
exactly than the facts admit, we shall assign their first occur-
rence to the years 180 — 1/0 (b. c.) It existed in use, as has
been already noticed, till within the Sassanian era, and is
therefore coeval with the character found further west on the
monuments and coins of the Sassanides.

The latest occurrence of these characters is perhaps found in
the report of Hiuan Thsang, when he says, that in Thsaokiutho
other characters than the Indian were in use ; now there, in the
country to which our alphabet was indigenous, about the Pan-
jhir, a tributary of the Cabul, it appears hardly possible to
allude to any other characters than to these.

But it was, on the other hand, also cotemporary with the
Indian alphabet, which appears as early upon the coins of
Agathokles and Pantaleon, and proves entirely different, both by
its opposite mode of writing and by the shape of its characters.
This Indian alphabet occurs immediately before this date on the
columns of Azoka (260 — 219. b. c.)* and continues under the
Indian kings of the Maurja dynasty. f As now the empire of
Azoka extended to the Indian Caucasus (I shall hereafter recur
to this) and as it would appear preposterous that he should
have introduced an alphabet foreign to him upon the stupas
which he is said to have built there, J as on the contrary the

* Zeitschrift fuer die Kunde des Morgenkinder, As. Trans, vi. 791.
t As. Trans, vi. 678.
I Foe K. p. 395.

632 ^ Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

Cabulian characters on the coins disappear in western India^
together with the dominion of the foreigners, the following
conclusions seem still to result. First, the Cabulian charac-
ters on the coins occur in the Punjab, not because a native
alphabet was unknown there, but in consequence of the foreign
dominion, which transplanted thither from Cabul, carried on
its coins along with it, to the east, its peculiar characters.
Secondly, it is doubtful, whether the dominion of the foreigners
descending from the Caucasus, found in western Cabulistan, this
alphabet alone in use, or employed in common with an Indian
one. To us it appears probable, from the foregoing remarks,
that these foreigners did not import the alphabet with them
from Bactria. At the very place where the intercourse of trade
brought into contact the east and the west, India and Iran, it was
most easily possible that an alphabet, introduced from the west,
such as we must admit the alphabet on the coins on our
previous investigation to be, may have been in use in common
with Indian letters, unless we be disposed to attribute to the
Paropamisades the invention of an alphabet of their own.
Whether there were indeed an Indian alphabet there, we shall
not question -, the coins of Agathokles and Pantaleon, however,
prove, that an Indian alphabet, if not in western Cabulistan,
prevailed at least more to the eastward ; had this not been the
case, why should they have used Indian characters ? But these
characters disappear with those kings, and retreat proportion-
ately with the extension of the dominion of Menandros to the
eastward.

I do not here extend these remarks, as the era and the
abode of Agathokles and Pantaleon are still uncertain ; I shall only
add, that I can place them neither with Mr. Raoul-Rochette in
Bactria at the head of all those princes, nor with Mr. K. O
Mueller remove them to India Proper.

But the following fact will prove, how correct it is to con-
sider the characters on the coins as foreign to India. Upon the
ancient Buddhist coins, discovered* in the ruins of the town
Behat on the banks of the Jumna, there occurs the title "Pil^lu

* As. Trans, iii. 227.

1840.] from Bactrian and Inda- Scythian coins. 633

MahdrdJS, in Cabulian characters^ andron the reverse the same
words m the old Indian characters of the Agathokles coins^ and
the Azoka columns.* By this fact it is quite evident_, that the
Cabulian alphabet on the coins was not in use in India Proper,
and this at the period when the most ancient form of the
Devanagari, which we as yet know, was still prevailing. Those
Buddhist kings whom we otherwise do not know, must have
employed the Cabulian characters only for the use of their sub-
jects on the banks of the Indus.

It does not follow from the foregoing remarks, that the cha-
racters are not more ancient than the coins upon which they
occur. If no coins were previously struck there, the characters
could not indeed be used for numismatic purposes, but they
would be in the transactions of other business. When Panini
(IV. I. 49) informs us, that by the affix ani to the word Javana,
the writing peculiar to this nation Javanarii 5r^?rr«Tt f%f^;
^^«TT*ft is represented, he perhaps points at the Cabulian
alphabet. According to Indian tradition, Panini is placed im-
mediately before Chandragupta, (therefore during the reign of
Alexander the Great) ; it is more certain, however, that his
native country was the ancient Gandhara, where he would be
certainly enabled to become familiar with the characters of the
Javanas of that country.

I have taken it for granted in the course of the preceding
remarks, that the Indians were already possessed of an alphabet
of their own, at the period when the Greek kings first extended
their dominion to the south of the Caucasus; some of my inferen-
ces are mainly founded upon this view.

* I owe this important fact to communications Mr. Prinsep made me
by letter. The proper names are not yet read, as far as I know, upon
the coins of this kind, with duplicate legends ; those that are read, are only
in old Indian characters and Indian. As. Trans. VI. 464. As those others
are ancient, I presume, that on these very coins, monuments of the dynasty
of the Buddhist Khanishka will be brought to light ; for he must have
reigned a short time before or after the commencement of our era ; he
ruled Gandhara, Kazmira, and the country Keenaputi 500 hs to the eastward
fi*om VipazEl, (Foe K. p. 381). This lies in the nearest neighbourhood
of Behat, and the use of the two-fold characters for the same language is
exactly suited to these countries.

634 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

But now I perceive, that an erudite person whose views must
be of great weight with all those that have occupied themselves
with his writings, draws from the newest inquiries into Indian
coins, the conclusion, that the Indian alphabet is derived from
the Grecian.

Mr. Prinsep in decyphering these Indian characters, written
in a peculiar manner on the coins of Saurashtra, asserted, that
the more ancient the Nagari, the more similar become the cha-
racters to the Grecian ones. Upon this he had grounded the
conclusion,* that the most ancient Greek characters are but the
Indian turned upside down.

Mr. Mueller, who did not of course require proof of the inva-
lidity of this view, takes the converse of the assertion. f ^^ If,''
says he, ^^ the relation of the ancient Nagari to the Greek alphabet
is closer than can be explained by the common derivation of both
from Phoenician language, we are forced into the conclusion,
that the Greeks introduced this alphabet to the Indians, and that
in consequence, the heaven-born alphabet of the Brahmins is not
older than Alexander."

Now this is no casual remark, such as sometimes occurs in
a journal, and which we may put aside without notice, but
it is, if not a view deliberately considered, still an opinion
positively pronounced and hopefully cherished. He says (p.
249,) ^^ We must, however, confess that our hopes as to the
historical connexion between Indian and Grecian civilization,
go far beyond this fact,'^ (that the Indians have borrowed
their shapes of coins from the Indo- Scythians) ^^ and extend
over the whole history of art and letters.'^

It is therefore a favourite opinion of this celebrated scholar,
the correctness or incorrectness of which must be of vital im-
portance in Indian antiquities. For if the Indians had no alpha-
bet before Alexander, all the writings that we have hitherto
considered the subject matter of as genuine sources for the
knowledge of India from the most ancient days, were penned
after Alexander's time, or more correctly speaking, after the

* As. Trans. VI. p. 390.
t Goett. Gel. Anz. at other places, p. 252.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins, 635

establishment of the dominion of the Bactrian kings in Cabul
and on the Indus^ as no sound critic can assign such an influ-
ence as consequent on Alexander's momentary sojourn in India.

Bayer had discovered from some Indian words^ communicated
to him^ that a striking similarity obtained between the Greek
and Indian numerals ; hence he concluded, that the Indians had
borrowed these words from the Greeks. The affinity was in-
geniously discovered, while the inference not too bold, as he at the
same time admitted, that the Indians possessed other and more
ancient native numerals ; none, however, will probably in our days
earnestly undertake to refute Bayer's opinion 3 but in his time
he could hardly draw any other conclusion from the reports at
his disposal.

Mr. Mueller's conclusion, however, appears to me much bolder,
and whatever species of criticism he may meet with from others,
I for my part shall refute him in good earnest.

Supposing, there exists in very deed a similarity between the
Greek and the Indian characters on the Saurashtra coins, as Mr.
Prinsep has maintained; granting also, that they were imitated
after Parthian and Indo- Scythian models, it will be asked, what
inference can be hence derived? Certainly only this, that the
characters on those coins are of Greek origin. Mr. Mueller*
places a date to these coins, subsequent to the first century of
our era; the age of the Indian alphabet cannot therefore be
traced with certainty prior to this period.

Whether this similarity do exist, or not, is here wholly
beside the question ; I think it fallacious, but I shall here drop
the subject.

Mr. Mueller will have it for granted, that the older the
Indian characters are, according to his conjecture, the closer
must be their similarity with the Greek.

Now he assigns himself the coins of Agathokles and Pantaleou
to the year 200 — 160 b. c. Their coins, having exactly the same
alphabet as employed but a short time before on Indian monu-
ments, was undoubtedly the form, then adopted, of Brahminical
Debnagari. This character has been now decyphered with full

* p. 248.

4 M

636 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

authenticity by Mr. Prinsep, as is the most ancient from the
Indian characters hitherto discovered.

I shall here copy this alphabet, (and ask), whether the hopes,
above alluded to, of tracing the sources of the Indian alphabet
to the Greek, are likely to be much favoured by this discovery?
I must strongly doubt it.

H a :• i L u f ri > e + k T kh A g
d k' (fc k'h £ g' C t' 0 t'h f* d' d d'h
A t 0 t'h :> d D d' 1 n b p b p'h D b
rfb'h8mJl;j Ir-JlivrOslrh

It may be added, that this alphabet had already the junctions
of consonants, and the representative marks for shortened vowels,
such as we find them to this day in the Indian orthography.

To prove the desired derivation of the Indian alphabet from
the Greek, it will be necessary to point out, as existing be-
tween the era of Alexander the Great, and the grandson of
Chandragupta, Azoka, a form of Indian characters, marking the
progress of transition from the Greek alphabet to the Indian,
above exhibited. Till this has been effected, we may be allowed
to keep in store (as reserve artillery), the remaining arguments
in favour of the originality of the Indian alphabet, which are to
be discovered in the grammatical system, in the history of the
language, in the substance of the inscriptions, and, lastly, in
the reports of Megasthenes and Nearchos.

The time has been, when every invention of the human mind
must have passed from the East into Greece; but the philologists
of classic antiquity would like to establish the converse of this
view on every subject. The hope of advancing science is most
laudable, but most fallacious, if cherished for a favourite system,
since it impedes the judgment in forming clear and impartial
conclusions. How otherwise could a man of so clear a mind,
as is Mr. Mueller, fail to perceive, that he clung to a predilec-
tion, while neglecting the most important facts ?

It seems to me, I confess, a pleasant accident, that this latest
effort at Indian conquest, made by Greek philology, may be

1 840.] from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins, 637

refuted by the mere agency of a petty monument of Gre-
cian art.

§ 13.

TTie Language,

That the language of the legends in the Cabulian character
belongs to the widely extended family of the Arian languages,
is so evident from the foregoing disquisition, as to render it
unnecessary to dilate on the subject; a few words only on the
latest coins of the Kadphises dynasty, constitute the only
exception to this fact.

The language on the coins also remains at all periods un-
altered; in the word tdddro alone is an alteration affected to
dhddhdro, giving evidence of a later variety in pronunciation.

I do not include in this assertion the language of the
Kanerki-coins ; they refer to another dialect, on the position
of which, as to local use, a conjecture can only be formed here-
after. From the discussions, as to the country to which this
alphabet was indigenous, the natural inference ensues, that
the language, expressed in these letters, may be assigned to the
same country; -all peculiarities hitherto discovered, as to the
system of sounds in the language, tend to the same conclusion.

The language is not Zend, for this does not absorb the
consonants ; the Zend has puthra, not putta, and retains even
on the Kanerki-coins, athro, mithro, ardethro ; the language
of the coins, on the contrary, reads, Minadho, Eikatidd ; Zend
again retains n before t, but not the language on the coins;
Zend does not exclusively express its nominative in the ter-
mination 6, and it alters an Indian H into Z, while the
language of the coins has mahato. Zend has no L, while
with our language it is a favourite letter, as for instance, prati
becomes pati, and even pali, A Zendic, or more correctly
speaking, an Iranian affinity, appears only in the substitution
of k (i. e., q or kv) for sp identical with sv. This fact, and
the correspondence with the old Persian in omitting the nasal
before dentals, are the only peculiarities which refer to Iran.

Other facts have been noticed, with regard to the language,
as common to the Indian dialects of Pracrit, viz. the absorption

638 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

of consonants_, the alteration of hard into soft roots, and the
1 for t. The word Dharma has a decided relation to India,,
being all a doctrinal term, which cannot be declared as such
with reference to Iran ; again, rdjan for kinff, and gaja for
victory ; tdddro too is also Indian, — ^though we will not deny its
also belonging to Zend. These indications lead us to a country,
immediately bordering upon India, and the language of which,
though not entirely Indian, and rather forming a transitional'
dialect in some respects between the Indian and Iranian lan-
guages, still did not very materially differ from an Indian
dialect ; in saying which, I allude to the language in daily use
with the common people, and not to Sanscrit, which was then
already, in all probability, the language of the learned castes,
and of the great. The existence of the dialects of Pra-
crit, as in common use with the people, is ascertained by their
occurrence on the Buddhist monuments of this time ; the Pra-
crit, or what eventually is the same, the Pali, could not have
been raised by the Buddhists to the dignity of a religious
language, unless it had existed aforetime among the people.
Now as about the period of the first of the Greco-Indian kings,
Pracrit was used on monuments in India itself, at least by the
Buddhists, there is no occasion for wonder, if we meet with
a popular dialect in Cabulistan, especially on coins : the San--
scrit would have only been in use there under a Brahminical
influence.

The country of the language on the coins may therefore with
certainty, I think, be looked for westerly from the Indus, and
to the south of the Indian Caucasus; but it is very difficult to
define its limit more exactly; for though we have already
proved, that the influence of Indian dialects extends to the
westward of the Indus, even to the Cabul river beyond Jelala-
bad, still it does hence not follow, that to the country west of
that, the same language existed. It is true, we found also, that
the Paropamisades were represented as being Indians, and a
later notice extends the term Indian even to Arachosia ;* but re-
ports of only a little later date, have limited the hifluence of the

* Isidor, Charac. with Huds. p. S.

1840.] from Bacirian and Indo- Scythian coins. 639

Indian language to a point beyond Jelalabad. To arrive at a con-
clusion, would involve the necessity of acquaintance with the
more minute peculiarities of those languages in their ancient
condition.

Again_, the existing relics of the ancient languages in these
countries, admit the inference of no deduction. The Deggani lan-
guage in Lamghan, as well as the spoken language of Kaferis-
tan, may still be recognised as remnants of old Indian dialects,
but we do not know them so well, as to be able to make use of
them here. The language of the remaining ancient races of
western Cabulistan, the Kohistan of the present day, is entirely
unknown. We can therefore only say generally, that in one of
those dialects the remnants of the ancient Cabulian language
must exist, the oldest traces of which occur on the coins, but
without being able to decide ourselves in favour of any particular
dialect among them, as being the receptacle of those remains.
I indeed know, that some have pretended to recognise the
Afghans in eastern Cabul, even as early as Alexander's time ;
not so Mr. Elphinstone,* who rather proves their immigration
into Cabul at a much later period; this conjecture has originated
with Professor Wilken, who thinks, he recognises the Afghans
in the Assakanes.f If these were indeed Afghans, the Afghan
language would have been spoken throughout Cabul, and the
language of the coins must be the sources of the Pushtoo.
Without observing, that neither ancient authorities nor modern
Afghan history, admit or require this supposition, the correct
assertion of the learned academician himself, that the Afghans
belonged to the Medo-Persic tribe, is at variance wath it ; the
Assakanes inhabited a country, where even in the 7th century
A. D., an Indian language was spoken. The language of the
Afghans, moreover, shows an evident difference from the lan-
guage on the coins ; as, for instance, it substitutes like Zend,
z for the Indian h, zumy, winter, for himay and this z is altered
in the western Afghan dialect into gh^ urighu (rice) for urizu,
for vrihi.X

* Account, &c. II, 10. 33. 44. 50. 56. &c.
t Abhandlg. der Berl. Acad. 1818-19 p. 261.
\ ' Ojou^tt has been introduced through Persian into Grecian language.

640 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

Though I cannot therefore discover the Afghans on the Indian
frontier at so early a period^ yet I willingly allow^ that the ori-
ginal seats of the Afghans^ may have had a situation sufficiently
near Cabul. On this supposition^ it would by no means be sur-
prising^ if their language were not a purely Iranian dialect, but
rather like that on the coins, forming the transitional dialect
between the Iranian and the Indian, but approaching (in point
of locality), the west, with a prevailing affinity to Iranian pecu-
liarities. I dare, however, not indulge myself by pursuing
this interesting investigation.

§ 14.

The Kings. Classes of coins, and places of their discovery.

There is much more difficulty in obtaining for the seat of the
different empires, established by the coins, and for the series of
their kings, even that degree of probability, which we have, I think,
succeeded in arriving at for both the language and alphabet.

It will here be necessary, first to have before us the materials
to be arranged ; I shall accordingly enumerate the names of the
kings according to the coins, adding the facts, which hence
result, as regard the aera, the succession, or any remarkable cir-
cumstance with respect to each of those kings. I have invari-
ably noted the places, where the coins have been discovered, if it
appeared to be instrumental in determining the native country
of the kings. The classes I have adopted, are founded on the
language and alphabet, and their sub-divisions upon the numis-
matic inquiries of Mr. Raoul-Rochette, and upon the titles of
the kings.

Concerning this catalogue, I must premise, that it has been
only made with a view to facilitate succeeding investigations,
and that it does not pretend to giving a numismatic description.

I. Coins with merely Greek characters.
§ 1. Greek characters, and purely Greek names and titles,
Euthy demos. Head with diadem; on the reverse Hercules,
either standing with the club raised in his left hand, the lion's
skin over the arm, and in the right hand a crown, or else a com-
mon Hercules, seated, leaning on his left hand, in the right the

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins, 641

club placed on a rock.* The coins presenting Hercules in a
standing position,, exhibit the youthful head of the king, which
indeed differs from the head of Euthydemos, as ordinarily re-
presented, and rather resembles that of Agathokles ; hence Mr.
Raoul-Rochette's conjecture, that Euthydemos may have suc-
ceeded Agathokles, and may at first have retained on his coins
the portrait of his predecessor, f The resemblance with that
king, however, appears not striking enough, and the connexion
between both of them could be only admitted in the reversed
succession. Lastly, a coin has been discovered, the reverse of
which represents a horse without trapping, and galloping ',X one
legend occurs invariably. BA2IAEQ2 EYGYAHMOY. Bronze
coins with an Apollo, crowned with laurel, and the reverse with
the tripod. R. R. II. 60. J. d. S. p. 387.

We may get some single specimens of these coins, which
are distinguished for their beauty, from the south of the
Caucasus ; but they come in course of trade from Balkh ;
there occur too in Bokhara many coins of Euthedemos, bar-
barously executed, with an almost illegible legend, which some-
time eluded all attempts at reading it.§ These latter are
imitations, originating with the Scythians of the north, whom
we cannot call Indo-Scythians, as they had not arrived yet
in India.

DemetrioSy son of Euthydemos, a fact confirmed by the coins. ||
Beardless, diademed head j reverse, helmeted Minerva, stand-
ing, with a long tunic, and a shorter one over it, the left hand
leaning on the shield ; in the right a spear. Another reverse
with Hercules standing, either similar to the coins of the father,l[
or crowning himself with his right hand ; and the head of the
king, elegantly adorned with the trunk and tusks of an ele-
phant. This latter emblem, evidently refers to his Indian con-
quests. Mr. Raoul-Rochette infers from the similarity of the
other type with that on the coins of the Eukratides, that these

* R. R. J. des Sav. p. 328. p. 386. I. p. 7. A. T. IV. pi. XXV. No. 1. V.
pi. XLVl. No. 3. t I. 8.

X As. T. V. pi. XLVI. No. 4. § R. R. I. 3. II. 12.

II R. R. J. des Sav. p. 330. 1. p. 3. II. 17.
H R. R. I. p. 7. &c. II. p. 16.

642 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

coins of Demetrios were struck, while he was unexpelled as yet
from Bactria by Eukratides, and infers, that Demetrios had there-
fore also reigned in Bactria, though but for a short tim^.* That
he laid claims to Bactria, is certain enough. These coins are
likewise of superior workmanship, and in most elegant taste.
Legend BASIAEQS AHMHTPIOY. The coins are rare, and
have been partly transmitted to us through India, partly
through Bokhara. Their proper place of discovery is perhaps
not yet exhausted (discovered ?) On this hereafter. Mr. Mion-
net (viii. 473) pretends to infer from these coins the existence
of two Demetrii; till this new fact in history is more surely
proved, we may be allowed to treat this second Demetrios as
^^ a king of shadows .^^

Heliokles. — Known only by his coins, and first embodied
in the series of Bactrian kings by Mionnet, then by Visconti.f
Mionnet asserted, that he was the son of (or of an) Eukratides,
while Mr. R. R. thinks him his predecessor.]: A specimen
has been brought from the city of Cabul by Mr. Honigberger,§
Type ; Jupiter standing, with the thunderbolt, and the legend
HAI0KAE0Y2 BA2IAEQ2 AIKAIOY. On account of
the epithet {just,) Mr. R. R. puts Heliokles in connexion with
other kings, who likewise style themselves just,\\ as the founder
of a separate branch ; but Lysias, whom he had in mind, in
forming his opinion, is a Spalyrios, and of the other Grecian
kings, only one has the same epithet, viz. Archelios, a later
discovery, he has indeed as well the Jupiter type, but he in
addition calls himself NIKH<1>0P02, and has a native legend.
A copper coin of Heliokles, the first specimen of this kind,
has been discovered of late in the Punjab, (As. Trans. Vol. vi.
987^) it is not stated, whether with a native legend or not.
I may be hereafter allowed to propose a conjecture on historic
grounds concerning his era.

Eukratides. Mr. Raoul-Rochette^ distributes the coins bear-
ing this name, between two Eukratides, father and son, on
the precedent of Bayer, who maintained, that some things

* I. p. 10. As. T. IV. pi. XXV. No. 2.
t R. R. J. des Sav. 1834. p. 329. % R. R. I. p. 34. II. p. 26.

§ R. R. I. 3. II I. p. 26. t T. der Sav. p. 387.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 643

were mentioned of Eukratides, not in correspondence with
the victorious king of this name; hence he concluded^ the
name of his son^ successor, and murderer_, was the same.*
But that the son and parricide did bear the same name, is
not conclusively established by authorities (of which hereaf-
ter); while Mr. Muellerf objects to this view from the very
reason, that, according to the arrangement of M. R. R., this
very Eukratides, known to us as a parricide, was called ^^the
Great.^^ There occur indeed two specimens, one of which has
also native legends. I here describe the purely Greek one alone,
postponing my own view for the historic examination.

Diademed head of the king; reverse, a naked Apollo crowned
with laurel, standing with one hand leaning on a bow, in the
other an arrow. Legend BASI AEQ2 EYKPATIA0Y4 This
type never has a native legend. On other coins a head of
Apollo with a laurel wreath ; on the reverse, a horse with the
same legend in Greek alone. §

The coins with the Dioscuri on horseback, with the title of
'^ Great King,^^ and which are partly of purely Greek and
some with a native legend, are assigned to Eukratides 11.

This type of the Dioscuri, however, likewise occurs with
the simple Greek legend, BA2IAEQ2 EYKPATIAOY,|| and
without the native character, which only appears, when the Greek
has the word MEFAAOY. The Dioscuri on horseback have
sometimes a helmeted, and sometimes a diademed head of the
king; those with the caps of the Dioscuri only a diademed head,
with the title either simple, or at length.^

It is evident, that neither the difference between ^^ king" and
^^ Great King,^^ nor the native legend, affords any criterion for
assigning the type of the Dioscuri to the son. There remains
the difference in the features of the king, which may be laid to
a difference in age. On the native legend we shall remark
hereafter.

* p. 95. t p. 205

: J. des Sav. p. 386, I. No. 5.

§ R. R. II. 60. II A. T. IV. pi. XXV. No. 6. 7.

f A. T. V. pi. XLvi. No. 10. No. li.,

4n

644 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

Masson found 107 coins of Eukratides in Beghram, he does
not, however, distinguish them according to the types.*

There occur also coins of Agathokles, with a purely Greek
legend ; but as nobody would adopt the idea of two Agathokles,
we shall postpone the investigation of this point.
§ 2. Purely Grecian characters, the kings not Greek, having,
however, no barbarian titles.

The following coins present a singular phenomenon. Mr. Mas-
son discovered at Beghram_,t in the space of three years two hun-
dred and fifty-seven specimens of a coin with the legend
BA2IA2EY2: BA2IAEQN 2QTHPMErA2, but without a
proper name. The Greek legend being sometimes corrupted,
we observe either BAEIAEY or BASIAEYON.:]: Bags full of
these may be had in Affghanistan, and in the Punjab. The simi-
lar coins with a native legend, never have the bust of the nameless
king. Mr. Raoul-Rochette describes them in this manner :
" Bust of a king, the head encircled by a diadem and a nimbus ;
with his left hand holding an iron spear ; no legend. Reverse,
a man on horseback with the Greek legend, above mentioned.
The head of the bust helmeted, occurs too as a variety.'^§

The large number of these coins proves that this king posses-
sed an ample empire, and did not reign for a short time ; he must
have governed Cabul, and a part of the Punjab. The corrupt
Greek suggests an era, more recent than that of many other
Indo-Scythian coins. The title awrrip seems to connect him to
the Greek Soter family, which may have concluded with Hermaios.
This is the remark of Mr. Mueller, and I am only prevented
from adopting it, because the Kadaphes coins are apparently
still nearer related to one or the other Hermaios, and all the
other Soters have likewise native legends. M. Raoul-Rochette||
accounts for the want of the name by (the supposed existence
of) an agreement, with regard to the currency, to the effect, that
in order to put the coins into common circulation in neighbour-
ing states, the name of none of the kings of those states was

* A. T. V. p. 547. t A, T. V. p. 547.

t R. R. I. p. 26. As. T. IV. 345.
§ R. R. I. No. 17. No. 18. No. 19. As. T. IV. pi. xxni. No. 26 (Among
the Azes' coins.) \\ II. 38.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo' Scythian coins. 645

used on the coins. The nameless king^ however^ appears to
have been too powerful to acquiesce in such a stipulation. Ac-
cording to Mr. Mueller^ his name, on account of its dissonance,
could not be well expressed in Greek. People, however, who
were not offended at the nominative /BaciAev, or the genitive
^aaik^vtJVy would not have hesitated at obtruding a name as
barbarian as possible, on the Greek letters, and if the attempt
were unsuccessful in Greek, why was not given recourse to
native letters ?

I cannot explain, why there is no name; but from the use of
Greek characters alone, it becomes probable, that the Soter be-
longed to a certain Scythian horde, which had for some time their
abode in a country, where purely Greek, and not native charac-
ters, were adopted for the coins. The nameless king, who per-
haps first settled his horde in Cabul and about the Indus,
perhaps adhered at first to the established custom by not
adopting native characters on his coins. At an after period,
however, he perhaps used them ; if indeed the coins with native
legends, which M. Mionnet assigns him, be really his.*

There exist besides, coins of some other Indo-Scythian kings,
with regard to which it is doubtful whether they have native or
purely Greek legends. They bear the title '^ King of Kings,^'
and some of them have a horse, others an elephant, and they
reigned therefore partly in Bactria, partly in India. As the
names are illegible, we shall here only refer to the engravings
and descriptions of these coins ; for we must at first leave even
this undecided, to which of these kings the native legends belong,
and whether we have to adopt a separate series of Indo-Scythian
kings, who admitted purely Greek letters and titles, whilst
the Kanerki dynasty adhered to Greek characters to express
barbarian words. If the assertion, that to the north of the
Caucasus the characters on the coins were not used, be well
founded, we might presume, that those Indo-Scythian kings held
fixed dominion in Bactria alone. Now those coins yield no other
historical result, than that the Indo-Scythians were divided into

♦ VIII. p. 505. pi. X. No. 85.

646 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

a number of dynasties, and that we are far from knowing the
whole series of their names.*

Lastly, we have yet to mention here the king Mayes.

Type a Caduceus ; legend BA2IAEQ2 MAYOY. Reverse,
the head of an elephant from which a bell hangs, of beauti-
ful Grecian workmanship and with good Greek characters ;
according to M. R. R., contemporary with Menandros and
ApoUodotos, as the same head of an elephant occurs on their
coins ;. his conjecture, that the name may be a variety of
ApoUodotos, has hardly any support whatever. f Mr. Mueller
thinks these large copper coins to be the most ancient monuments
of the Indo- Scythian dominion in India. J The elephant alludes
indeed to a campaign against India. Being taken from the col-
lections of the Generals Ventura and AUard, they refer to the
Punjab. M. Mionnet ascribes to Mayes, moreover, a native
legend, which consists of two signs. — This legend as given by
Mr. Prinsep, is scarcely to be taken as letters ; M. R. R. has
not noted it at all ; the pretended legend stands besides between
^aaikkfjjq and Mauov ; the name must have been expressed by
Tau, which does not appear with Mr. Mionnet. How then
has this king used a native legend ? As respects this king
also, I must leave it to numismaticians to make a historical
application.

§ 3. Pure Greek characters ; barbarian names and words,
Kodes. Small silver coins. A head, the hair wreathed with
fillets, and descending to the neck ; it would appear, that the
face is different (on different specimens) ; one has mustachoes, but
all of them have suffered much. Legend, KQAOY, complete on
but one coin.§ Reverse, a figure standing, the right hand lean-

* As. Trans, v. pi. xxxv. No. 4, iv. pi. xxi. No. 12. No. 13. No. 14. Then
iv. pi. xxi. No. 7 and 8, lastly iv. pi. xxi. No. 11. Compare Mionnet viii. p.
504. No. 135, No. 136, No. 141, No. 142. I shall not undertake to read the
native legends, represented x. No. 88.

t II. p. 49. The coins R. R. II. No. 18. As. Trans, iv. pi. xxv. No. 4.
New varieties of them are discovered of late in the Punjab. As. Trans, vi.
987. : 228.

§ As. Trans, v. pi. xlvi. No. 16, No. 17. No. 18. iv. pi. xxv. No 11. No.
12. No. 13. R. R. J. d. S. 1834. No. 8. No. 9. p. 389.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins, 647

ing on the hip^ in the left a spear, indistinct head dress, flames
behind the shoulders. Legend according to Mr. Prinsep^s con-
jecture : (A)PAHePOY MAKAP(02). The Greek letters
terminate in points ; upon No. 13 there is perhaps the name
of another god. A second variety, has the anterior half of a
horse. They come from Cabul and western India ; but like-
wise through Bokhara to Russia.

The horse refers to Bactria, as do the purely Greek characters
and the god of fire, with whom the names of gods on the
Kanerki coins are connected.

Kodes is perhaps the very same king, who went southwards
over the Caucasus, and founded an empire on the banks of the
Indus and of the Cabul, for the Kanerkis.

Kanerki coins. I shall not repeat the remarks above made on
the legends, the words PAO NANO PAO and KOPANO, and
the names of gods. Kanerki is represented in a standing posi-
tion, with a long Usbek coat, pointed Tartar cap, the right
hand leaning on a spear (and a bow over the back, T. A. V.
XXXVI b. 9.) with the left making an offering over an altar.
The figures of gods on the reverse are already described. In the
note I shall mention the coin,* some from the topes in Mani-
kyala, Jellalabad, and from Cabul and the Punjab, from Benares,
and likewise from the Ganges. f

Ooerki. Bust of the king, adorned with a tiara, holding with
the hand a plant which he contemplates. J The same places
of discovery. No coins having Greek words, or the god of
the sun.

A man mounted on an elephant; his name illegible, only
PAO NANO PAO-KOPANO.^

On the coins of another king of this series, a female figure

* T. As. III. pi. XII. pi. XXV. IV. pi. LI. V. pi. XXXVI. Trans. R. As. Soc. i.
pi. XII. R. R. J. des Sav. 1834. and i. pi. ii. and the authorities, i. 57.

t As. Trans, iii. p. 443. iv. p. 631. R. R. ii. p. 4.

X As. Trans, iii. pi. xxi. No. 2. xxri. No. 24. iv. pi. xxxviii. No. 9. No. 7.
V. pi. xxxvi. No. 3. No. 7. R. R. ii. p. 58. J. des Sav. 1834. No. 10. As.
Trans, in. p. 445.

§ A. T. III. pi. LI. No. 10. v. pi. xLvi. No. 1 o. No. 12. iv. pi. li. No. 10.
A. T. V. p. 722.

648 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

with a glory^ seated on a couch ; one foot on the ground^ the
other, on the couch.* Here also the name is illegible.

There is another type of a figure sitting in a cross-legged
position ; some other varieties may probably be still dis-
covered.

The most ancient specimens of these coins have a tolerably
good style, and distinct letters ; both become gradually worse,
and lastly deteriorate into a chaos ; then follow the Indian imi-
tations. The places of discovery prove, that the Kanerki
dynasty possessed, at least at the commencement of their rule,
a large territorial dominion ; from the traces of the Shiva wor-
ship, we may conclude that the Kanerkis added to the worship
of Mithra, introduced by them from Bactria, the worship of
Shiva, as it occurred with the Kadaphises.f Hence they must
(partly at least) have taken possession of the dominions of the
Kadaphises. We may consider their dialect either as a more
modern one, or as a provincial variety. It is evident from the
coins, that they out-lasted the Kadaphises^ who never sunk into
the same barbarism.

It will remain doubtful, whether the Kanerkis maintained
themselves till within the Sassanian period, unless it be decided,
that the topes must be ascribed indisputably to the Kanerkis.
They certainly reigned in India before the time of the Sassa-
nians. Lastly, the opinion, that the Kanerkis were Buddhists, or
in other words, that we have to recognise Kanishka in Kanerki,

* A. T. III. pi. XXII. No. 29. IV. pi. 21. No. 9.

t The worship of Shiva appears to have prevailed in Cabul in the first
centuries of our era, and beside it, pure Buddhism was widely diffused.
Hiuan Thsang at least mentions a temple of Bhima, viz. of Parvati or
Doorga, in Gandhara, p. 379. But Megasthenes appears to have already
corrected this mistake. For if he reported, according to Arrian and Strabo,
that the Indians of the plains worshipped Hercules (whereby Mathura is
made mention of) and that the mountaineers, on the other hand, adored
Dionysos, these latter must be probably understood to be the inhabitants
of the mountainous districts about the Cabul, and below Kazmira, in the
Punjab, while the plains are those of the inner country, and on the borders
of the Jumna and Ganges. It is true, it has been of late doubted, whether
Hercules be Krishna, but I hardly think, one acquainted with these sub-
jects, will doubt it any more, than that Dionysos cannot be but Shiva.

1840.J from Bactrian and IndO'Scythian coins. 649

must continue to be improbable, until Kanerki be also discover-
ed on Buddhistic monuments.

II. Greek, and Indian characters.

The coins of Agathokles and Pantaleon alone as yet compose
this class.

Agathokles, Diademed head of the king ; reverse, a standing
Jupiter, with the left hand leaning on his sceptre, holding
on the right a small three headed Artemis, bearing a torch.
Legend, BA2IAEQ2 ArAGOKAEOYE * Tetradrachma of
very superior workmanship.

M. Raoul-Rochette has proved, that the figure on the legend
is the Persian Artemis Hecate, the ZaprjrtQ or Zapa, whose wor-
ship Artaxerxes Mnemon was endeavouring to propagate with-
in his empire, and Bactria is especially mentionedf with regard
to this. Male head, with Dionysos^ crown of grapes. Reverse, a
panther walking, holding with his fore claw a grape. The same
legend as above mentioned. Tetradrachma. J

Square copper coins with the same legend. On the obverse,
a female Bacchanal, flourishing the thyrsus, and the legend above
represented, in old Indian characters. Eleven specimens have
been discovered, all from Cabul.§

M. Raoul-Rochette has tried by a vast display of learning
to establish his conjecture, that Agathokles was the first king
of Bactria, he having been the Eparch of Persia under Antiochus
the second, who is called Pherekles by others, and whose
pederasty is said to have excited the Parthian revolt. || Not to
mention other objections, this conjecture falls to nothing owing
to the Indian letters, which Agathokles cannot have used for his
Bactrian subjects. But previously to Euthydemos, no Bactrian
king made conquests southwards from the Caucasus. As
copper coins are less likely to go by trade into other countries
than gold and silver (coins,) the place of discovery of the

* R. R. J. des Sav. 1834. p. 332. No. 2. ii. No. I. p. 12 A. T. iv. pL
XXV. No. 3. from the Punjaub.)

t (J. des S. at other places, p. 340. ii. p. 13.)

I (J. des S. No. I. by the way of St. Petersburg.)

§ R. R. II No. I. II. p. n. A. T. V. pi. xxxv. No. 9.

il (J. d. S. p. 336.)

650 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

Agathokles^ coins points out an empire on the borders of the
Cabul river.

The worship of the Persian Artemis must not appear sur-
prising on the coin of a king_, who, though not reigning in Bac-
tria^ yet started from that country. The Bacchanal symbols
certainly allude to an Indian expedition ; but it is surprising,
that Agathokles and Pantaleon, almost coeval with him, should
alone parade these symbols of Dionysos. Going a step further,
we dare assert, that Agathokles reigned immediately over
those districts, where the traces of the expedition of Dionysos
were fancied to be extant ; viz. over the country of the Nisaeans.
But it is not India Proper, but Cabul, that is celebrated
for her grapes ; in Cabul too, are the copper coins of Aga-
thokles discovered, and instead of the nation of the Nisaeans (a
somewhat fabulous race) of Alexander's period, we observe in
the late report of Ptolemy, the well defined town of Nagara,
surnamed Dionysopolis, which denomination can have been only
given by a Greek king, probably by Agathokles. His use of In-
dian, and not Cabulian characters, leads to the conclusion, that
his reign succeeded a previous use of Indian characters ; viz. it
argues a former Indian domination in these districts. I therefore
think he is the same, who first brought Grecian arms down the
Cabul river. According to Mr. Mueller,* he reigned about the
Upper Ganges. In this case he must before Menandros have
advanced beyond the Hyphasis to the Jumna, and even further,
which is at variance with Strabo's explicit statement. His coins,
exhibiting a much better style in art than those of Menandros,
he must have reigned before this king. Strabo would likewise
mention him as the first, who crossed the Hyphasis.

Pantaleon. Square copper coins, exactly like those of Aga-
thokles, before described as from Cabul and the Punjab. f
Legend, BASIAEQ2 nANTAAE0NT(02) and the other
legend in Indian characters, above mentioned. From the
small number of coins it becomes probable, that Pantaleon did
reign but for a short time ; the dominion, founded by Agatho-
kles, must on the whole have been of short duration. We shall
hereafter recur to this subject.

* * p. 213. t As. Trans, in. p. 168. v. p. 552.

1840.J from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 651

IIL Greek and Cabulian characters.
§ 1. — Greek Kings,

Eukratides. I assign to this place the coins bearing the title
^^ Great King^^^ as they certainly mark an epoch in the life of the
one Eukratides^ even if they should not belong to a second of
the same name. The Cabulian legend never occurs unaccom-
panied by the word MEFAAOY in the Greek legend; hence it
follows^ that the title, ^' Great King^^ was first adopted in the
south of the Caucasus.

Helmeted head of the king. Reverse, the Dioscuri on horseback,
with spears couched, holding branches of palms above the should-
ers. Legend: BA2IAE02 MEFAAOY EYKPATIAOY.*

The same with Greek legend on the obverse ; on the reverse,
Mahdrdjo Eikatido.f

The same reverse with BAEIAEQ2 EYKPATIAOY, and on
the reverse with the helmeted J or diademed § head of the king ;
no Cabulian legend.

Diademed head of the king; legend, BAEIAEQ2 MEFAAOY
EYKPATIAOY. Reverse, caps of the Dioscuri with palms, of
the native legend only Maharajd.\\

According to Mr. Prinsep's statement,^ the complete legend is
'P^-^l^3 O'^a^in^Pa^lu mahdrdjo raja rdjo Eikatidd. This le-
gend however appears only to occur upon one coin, on which the
helmeted head of the king on the reverse has a female figure,
seated, with the turret-like crown of the Cybele.lFIT The word
is raja rdj6 ; it can hardly have occurred upon the other coins.
As it cannot be, however, adopted by mere chance, we must as-
cribe the complete title to that as yet single coin alone. It is
the only instance in which a Greek king of Bactria styles
himself king of kings^ and this only in Cabulian language, as
it were, not venturing to obtrude this ostentatious title on his
Greek subjects. Likewise Eukratides alone calls himself in

* J. des Sav. No. 5. As. Trans. IV. pi. xxv. No. 5.

t As. Trans. IV. pi. xxv. No. 8. 9. 10. R. R. I. No. 7.

X As. Trans. IV. pi. xxv. No. 7.

§ As. Trans. IV. pi. xxv. No. 6. R. R. I No. 6. ii. No. 3.

il As. Trans. V. pi. xlvi. No. 11.

^ As. Trans. IV. p. 338.

1ft According to the description. As. T. III. p. 164.

4o

652 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

Greek letters great king, while the others adopt the simple
fiacnXevg as equivalent to MahdrdjS. It therefore almost ap-
pears^ as if Eukratides first used Cabulian legends, without pro-
perly attending to the comparative value of the different terms ;
since the same etymological value of two words in different
languages is in many cases not the same in the real acceptation
of the words.

Mithridates VI . of Parthia, had adopted the title king of kings ;
and Eukratides seems to have imitated his contemporary in as-
suming this title.* Coins of Eukratides are frequently met

with in Cabul.t

On account of the dispute of immismaticians, we shall
postpone the decision, whether we must adopt two or only one
Eukratides, to the examination of the historic authorities.

Antimachos. Head of the king with the Macedonian hat,
{kausia), and Neptune with a palm on the reverse. Epithet
of the king, Ofoc. A coin, published by Kohler, obtained
through Russia, which refers to a victory at sea. J Victory
dressed and winged, in the right hand a palm. Legend,
ANTIMAXOY BASIAEQ2 NIKHa)OPOY. Reverse, the
king on horseback gallopping. Cabulian legend, 'P'l^AiJ. T^i'Tlo
TP^u'+lO, Mahdrdjo gajavato AtimakhS.^ From Cabul. M. R.
R. has proved, that these coins are an imitation of those
of the Seleucidian Antiochos IV., who likewise styled himself
Ococ- Antiochos reigned 176— -164. b. c, and Antima-
chos therefore about the same time. The correspondence
of these coins with the tetradrachmas of Heliocles will also
give evidence, that Antimachos was his contemporary. On this
supposition, it becomes difficult to place both of them be-
fore Eukratides. The Cabulian legend points to an empire to
the south of the Caucasus, but perhaps not in Cabul itself, as
the Antimachos' coins are scanty in Beghram. I beg to direct
the attention to two points : the equestrian coins form a separa-

* Visconti. Jconogr. Grecque. in. 76.
t As. Trans, in. 164. v. 547.
t R. R. J. des Sav. p. 329. ii. p. 18.

§ R. R. II. No. 4, p. 17. A. T. IV. pi. xxi. No. 3. at the same place No. 4
has 3 for *-\, therefore perhaps a^, or k for kh.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 653

ted class^ and Antimachos has strengthened his dominion by a
victory at sea.

Philoxenos. Bust of the king ; the bow of the diadem pro-
jecting from under the helmet. Legend^ BA2IAEQ2 ANI-
KHTOY <1)IA0SEN0Y. Reverse, king on horseback gallop-
ping. CabuUan legend : Mahdrdjo apalihato pilashino (ov pi-
lushinoj.^

Demeter Karpoforos; in the right hand a crown; in the left
a cornucopia; the foregoing Greek legend; reverse, the bull
with the hump. The same Cabulian legend. f

The same obverse, with the reverse of a victory with crown
and palm (only described).

M. Raoul-Rochette takes him for a king, who reigned in
the neighbourhood of the Scythians, and valiantly fought against
them on horseback. The Cabuhan legend prevents us from
acceding to this. Philoxenos wears a kausia, as Eukratides
and Antimachos do, and as a horseman, moreover, is analagous
with them. The bull with the hump is correctly interpreted as
referring to a particular country, but to what country, will be evi-
dent from the coins of Azes. In Beghram no coins of Philoxe-
nos have been discovered by Mr. Masson.

Archelios, Diademed head of the king. Legend, BA2I-
AEQ2 (AIKA)IOY NIKH^OPOY APXEAIOY. Reverse,
Jupiter, seated on a throne, the sceptre in the left hand, the
thunderbolt in the right, and the legend, TAr+lsO ^n^A^ T"hvue
"Pit^llu, maharajo, dhamiko, gajavato Achilijo. From Beghram.

I have given him this place, because the epithet ^^ victorious^^
puts him into comparison with Antimachos ; Antialkides, how-
ever, bears the same epithet, and has besides, the Jupiter.

Antialkides. Uncovered head of the king, with the branch of
a palm, crossing the field. Legend, BASI AEQS NIKHa)OPOY
ANTIAAKIAOY. Reverse, the Dioscuri caps with palms, as
upon the coins of Eukratides. Legend, maharajo gajavatS
Atialikado.X

* R. R. II. No. V. A. T. No. IV. pi. xxi. No. 1.

t R. R. II. No VI. As. T. IV. pi. xxi. No. 2.

: R. R. II. No. 7. 1. No. 15. A. T. IV. pi. xxvi. No. 9. 10. 11.

654 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

M. Raoul- Rochet te assigns to him with certainty a place
immediately following Eukratides, in a neighbouring country,
which we cannot, however, look for with him to the North of
the Caucasus.* On account of the title Nikephoros, he has some
analogy with Antimachos.

There exists another coin of this monarch with the head of
the king, with the kausia and the same legend ; the reverse
represents Jupiter, seated on a throne, with a sceptre and
a winged victory in his right hand. The same native legend. f
All these coins are from Cabul or the neighbouring districts. {

Lysias, Uncovered head of the king, the palm crossing
the field as with Antialkides, the bust partly given. Legend,
BA2IAEQ2 ANIKHTOY AY2I0Y. Reverse, elephant.§ Le-
gend, Mahdrdjo apalihatd lisijo (lisajo.)

M. R. R. pronounces him with full confidence successor
of Antialkides ;|| here likewise follow the titles Aniketos and
NikephoroSy one after the other, as above mentioned, with
Philoxenos and Antimachos. Coins of Lysias and of Antial-
kides are found in Cabul; ^ the elephant alludes to an Indian
expedition. The dynasty to which Antialkides and Lysias
belonged, seems therefore in fact to have had their site in Ca-
bul, and their empire was probably established upon the ruins
of one more extensive.

I here insert a coin, for which I cannot discover a proper
place.

Amyntas, Bust of the king with indistinct head-dress ; le-
gend, BA2IAEQE NIKAT0P02 AMYNTOY. Reverse,
helmeted Minerva, with shield and lance, extending her right
hand. Legend, Maharajo, gajavato amito. From the Punjab. 1[^

We now come to a longer series, bearing the title ^^deliverer.^^

Menandros. Helmeted head of the king with the upper part
of the bust, and the chlamys; legend, BASIAEQS 2QTHP02
MENANAPOY. Reverse, Minerva Trpo^axoc. R. R. L No. 8.
Legend, Maharajo tdddro Minadho.

* II. p. 23. t As. Trans. V. pi. xxxv. No. 2. J R. R. II. p. 22.

§ R. R. II. No. 18. As. Trans. IV. pi. xxvi. No. 12. || II. p. 24.
H R. R. II. p. 24. 1f1[ A. T. V. pi. xLvi. No. 1.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 655

Helmeted head of the king, with the same Greek legend.
Reverse, a clothed victory, with wings, palm, and crown. The
same Cabulian legend.*

Head of an elephant, with the same Greek legend. Reverse,
a club, with the Cabulian legend. f

Uncovered head of the king, with the upper part of the bust
dressed in the chlamys; the right hand raised to throw a
lance. The same Greek legend. Reverse, Thessalian Minerva,
protecting herself with the shield ; in the right hand the thun-
derbolt raised. The same Cabulian legend. J

Head of the king in a helmet, and the Greek legend. Reverse,
JEgis, and Cabulian legend. §

The same obverse ; upon the reverse an owl, and the Cabulian
legend. II

Obverse, wheel with eight spokes, and the Greek legend.
Reverse, branch of a palm, and the Cabulian legend.

Uncovered head of the king, with the Greek legend ; reverse
head of an animal, which Mr. Prinsep, with probable correctness
describes as an elephant, though Mr. Masson has drawn a dol-
phin. The same Cabulian legend.^ Lastly, head of a boar, with
the Greek legend. Reverse, branch of a pahii surrounded by
the native legend.**

Coins of Menandros have been frequently discovered in
Beghram by Mr. Masson, so many even as one hundred and
fifty- three specimens up to the year 1835 ; they are likewise met
with in Agra, on the borders of the Jumna, and near Mathura. ff
These were probably the extreme points of his empire. We have
shown, that his reign extended to the Jumna, and the elephant
on his coins corroborates this extent of his dominion. Whether
he also ruled in Bactria, we shall hereafter inquire into ; the
native legends rather disprove than confirm this opinion.

* R. R. I. No. 9. 10. As. Trans. IV. pi. xxvi. No. 3.
t R. R. I. No. II. p. 17. As. Trans. IV. pi. xxvi. No. 2.
X R. R. II. No. 12. As. Trans. IV. pi. xxvi. No. 1.
§ As. Trans. V. pi. xlvi. No. 5. || At the same place, No. 6.

U At the same place, No. 8, as the preceding copper coin; according to
M. R. R. II. 34. a club. ** At the same place, No. 9.

ft As. Trans v. p. 547. 722. Trans, of the R. A. S. I. 315.

656 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

For the historical arrangement of all those kings, it is of
vital importance to ascertain the era of Menandros. M. Raoul-
Rochette has most plausibly assigned to Menandros a later
period than to Eukratides.* The inference he further draws
from this position of Menandros, that he first took possession
of the Indian empire of Demetrios, and afterwards of the
Bactrian dominion of Eukratides, is hardly to be reconciled
with the authorities of written history ; we do not understand,
in fact, how Menandros could dethrone Demetrios, since Eu-
kratides had done it ; we shall therefore hereafter lay hold of the
only fact which is proved with probability by numismatic inqui-
ry, viz. that Menandros seems to have reigned subsequently to
Eukratides.

Apollodotos, Apollo standing, leaning his left hand on the
bow, holding a lance with his right. Legend, BASIAEQ2
2QTHP02 AIIOAAOAOTOY. Reverse, a tripod: legend,
Maharajo Apaladatd tadaro. f

Uncovered head of the king, with diadem and upper part
of the bust, and the chlamys. Legend, BA^IAEQS 2QTH-
P02KAI 4>L40nAT0P02 AHOAAOAOTOY. Reverse,
Thessalian Minerva, as upon the coins of Menandros, covering
herself with the ^Egis instead of the shield. The same native
legend, without (juXoTrarwp^ tdddro alone preceding the name.j:
Elephant in motion. Legend as before mentioned : reverse, the
humped bull, and the same native legend. §

The coins are discovered at the same places with those of Me-
nandros, and M. Raoul-Rochette deserves the merit of having
proved, with the utmost probability, that ApoUodotus was the
son of Menandros.

Diomedes. The Dioscuri, standing, and with lances. Legend,
BA2IAEQ2 2QTHP02 AIOMHAOY. Reverse, the humped
bull, and the native legend, which he probably thus restored :

* II. p. 32. 33.

t R. R. I. No. 12. As. Trans. IV. pi. xxvi. No. 6. No. 7. No. 8.

: R. R. II. No. 13. As. Trans. IV. pi. xxvi. No. 4.

§ R. R. II. No. 14. As. Trans. IV. pi. xxvi. No. 5. See. R. R. II. p. 18.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 657

^"ivuA ■*\1»nm (T^)*^l (u) Maharajo tdddro Dijamido.^ Only
one specimen from Beghram. The humped bull^ and the epi-
thet^ prove the right of position as here given .

Agathokleia. Helmeted head, which must be the head of a
woman, with the upper part of the bust, and of the dress. Le-
gend, BA2IAI22A2 eEOnPOnO(Y) AFAOOKAEIAS.
Reverse, Hercules seated, in the right hand the club, placed
on his knee, with the left supporting himself, as on the coins
of Euthydemos. Legend, Maharajd tdddro Mikonido.f

Howsoever we may read the name, it is certain, that we have
here a new king, whose epithet assign^ him a place among the
successors of Menandros. The place of discovery is not men-
tioned; the coin is, however, found in India. If any relation
is to be admitted between Euthydemos and Agathokles, we
may perhaps recognise another analogy in the fact, that Aga-
thokleia exhibits a type of the Euthydemos^ coins. She is cer-
tainly, however, the wife of the new king, mentioned only in
this place ; perhaps a heroine of masculine character, like Eury-
dike (the niece of Alexander, and grand-daughter of Philip),
whom her husband honored by associating her with himself up-
on his coins. May not the unusual epithet perhaps allude to
this fact ? X

Hermaios, Uncovered diademed head of the king. Legend,
BADIAEQS 2QTHP0S EPMAIOY. Reverse, Olympian Ju-
piter, seated on his throne. Legend, mahdrdjd tdddro , hirmaj6.§

Uncovered head of the king, with diadem, the upper part of
the bust, and of the chlamys. Reverse, Olympian Jupiter seat-
ed, and extending his right hand. Legend as above described. ||

Head of the king, probably with diadem, the same Greek
legend ; the reverse has a horse ; and the native legend as
above described.^f

* As. Trans. V. pi. xxv. No. 3. f As. Trans. V. pi. xlvi. No. 2.

X I find OeoTpoTTog to be authorized by one passage alone in Heliodor.
Carm. v. 250, as an epithet to S^Xoc. Only one Greek king of these pro-
vinces, Antimachos, has styled himself God.

§ R. R. I. No. 13 (where the initial letter in tadaro is misdrawn). As.
Trans. IV. pi. xxiv. No. 1.

II R. R. I. No. 14. p. 21. As. Trans. IV. pi. xxiv. No. 2. No. 3. No. 4.

t Ab. Trans. V. pi. xxxv. No. 11.

658 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

In Beghram so great a number of the coins of Hermaios
have been discovered, that no doubt can be entertained of
the seat of his empire. Mr. Masson thought he might adopt,
according to the difference of the types, three different kings
of this name, an opinion, rejected by M. Raoul-Rochette.*
There is no doubt the coins, above described, with the bust,
and the name of Hermaios on the obverse, and vrith Her-
cules, standing and leaning on the club and the curious native
legends on the reverse, f do not belong to the Greek Her-
maios himself, as in the Greek legend the name of Kadaphes
is substituted for that of Hermaios, without any alteration
of the type. Those only upon which ZA90Y occurs, have
perhaps a title in another type ; all the coins, however, that
are published, are very indistinct. J

As these coins prove that a Kadaphes took possession of
the empire of Hermaios, so other facts concur in giving
evidence, that Hermaios concluded the series of the Soter
dynasty. His coins represent a rapid decline of art, and are
partly excelled by those of the more ancient Indo- Scythians.
M. R. R. has also here the merit of having proved, that the
type of the Olympian Jupiter is an imitation of the coins of
Alexander H. of Syria,§ and that Hermaios must have accord-
ingly reigned after the years 129 — ^23. b. c.

With Kadaphes, above mentioned, Kadphises is connected by
name ; but as previously to him, other Indo- Scythians must have
ruled in the country on the borders of the Cabul, we shall first
insert them here.

Barbarian Kings.

Azes, King on horseback, in his right hand a lance. Legend,
BA2IAEQE B ASIAEQN MEFAAOY AZOY. Reverse, Mi-
nerva, with the iEgis on her arm, in the left hand the lance, the
right raised. Legend, mahdrdjo rajdrdjo mahato Aj6.\\ Or
reverse, Minerva clothed, holding shield and spear in a moving

* As. Trans, in. p. 162. v. p. 547. R. R. II. p. 37.
t R. R. II. p. 36.

X As. Trans. V. pi. xxxv. No. 13. new coins of this class have been lately
discovered, VI. 987.

§ I. p. 19. II R. R. II. No. 15. As. Trans. IV. pi. xxiii. No. 18.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 659

position.* Or, reverse with a male figure in a tight tunic 3 tiara
with ribbands hanging down, and bearing on the right hand a
winged Victory. On both of them the same native legend, which
is but seldom completely preserved.f

Or, the same obverse ; reverse, a male figure, standing, with
the tiara, and long stole, holding in the right hand an idol.J
As far as traceable, the same native legend. Or, reverse with
an Abundantia,§ standing and holding a cornucopia. Native
legend, maharajo^ mahato, dhamiko rajddirajS Ajo. This com-
plete legend is on the reverse not discernible. || Obverse, Ceres,
seated on a throne, in the left hand a cornucopia, the right
raised ; reverse, Hercules standing, and leaning on his club.T[
As far as legible, the simple native legend.

The following coins are of importance, as they mark the
provinces, which were under Azes' dominion.

Obverse, the king on horseback. Reverse, the humped bull;
on others, a Bactrian camel.** Obverse, elephant; reverse,
the humped bulLff

Obverse, humped bull; reverse, lion without mane, t J or
Bactrian camel. §§ The Greek legend alwaj^s the same, and
the simple native legend (" without dhamiko' ') on some, raja-
rajo ; on others, rdjddirdjo.

Obverse, Neptune clad in the pallium, standing, with the
left hand leaning on the trident, the right foot placed on the
figure of a man, as if swimming. Reverse, a female figure in a
long robe.llll M. R, R. has proved, that these symbols allude to

* R. R. II. p. 40. As. Trans, iii. pi. xi. 45. No. pi. xxiii. No. 15.
f R. R. II. No. 19. As. Trans, at the same place xxiii. No. 17, No. 19.
X R. R. II. No. 16, As. Trans, iv. pi. xxiii. No, 24. perhaps also No.
20. No. 21.
§ So in original. Goddess of Plenty.

II R. R. II. p. 43. As. Trans. IV. pi. xxiii. ^o. 22. The legend v. p. 549.
t R. R. II. p. 45. As. Trans, iv. pi. xxii. No. 10, No. 11.
** R. R. II. p. 43. As. Trans. IV. pi. XXII. No. 9.
ft R, R. II. p. 44. As. Trans. IV. pi. XXII, No. 4, 5.
Jt At tlie same place No. 1, 2, 3.
§§ No. 6, 7, 8.
1111 R. R. II. No. 17, As. Trans. TV. pi. XXIII. No. 14.

4 P

660 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

the Indus river, and to India conquered. Legends, as above
described.

As now by these coins Azes lays claim to having conquered the
Indus, so the four animals evidently point out the extent of his
dominion. The Bactrian camel requires no interpretation, nor
the maneless Hon, which undoubtedly alludes to an Indian
district, and though in our time the lion is only met with in
Guzerat,* they must in Azes' time not have been confined to that
province. I would rather presume, that by the adoption of the
lion, the Sinha, the subduing of the lions among Indian men,
viz. the Narasinha, Rajaputra was to be represented, therefore
the subjugation of the warlike tribes in the modern Rajpootana,
which moreover lies beyondf Guzerat. The Indus subjected,
refers certainly to the districts towards its mouth, to Pattalene,
which on the west is bounded by Guzerat. As now, the ele-
phant likewise points to Indian provinces, a question arises as to
what particular province this refers. It must of course allude
to that part of India, which must have been likewise under
Azes' dominion, viz. to the country to the north of Rajpootana,
the Punjab ; yet I confess, I know not why the elephant, which
might obviously be used as an emblem for the whole of India,
should be made to refer to this part of India alone. A glance

* Mr. Lassen is not aware, of how valuable an argument lie has de-
prived himself in not having ascertained the existence of the lion in
our days in Hurriana, where they were a few years ago plentiful; they
are now more rare, being driven into the desert by sportsmen, and the
gradual settlement of the country. Lions have been shot within the
last fifteen years on the banks of the Chumbul, not more than fifty miles
from Dholepore. np.

t I have already observed, that the lion even in our days is known
to exist at no great distance from the Indus. It is perhaps worthy of
remark in this place, that ample evidence is extant as to the great changes
which must have taken place in the localities of wild animals in India, on
the testimony of Baber, who mentions killing the rhinoceros on the banks
of the Sind and Behreh. " There are numbers in the jungles of Pershawur
and Hashhagar," according to Baber, (a. d. 1526), whereas in our own
days that animal is not found to frequent any part of upper India above
the Pillibheet forest^ in Rohilkhund ; under these circumstances, it is hard
to fix a location for the Uon in the days of Azes. rjj

1840.] from Bactrian and IndO' Scythian coins. 661

at the map must give evidence^ that Azes could not allude to
any other country.*

It will be proved hereafter,, that the Greek kings also, who
have chosen the emblem of the elephant for their coins^, must
have especially referred to the Punjab.

If then the elephant and the lion allude to India, and if Azes
also possessed Bactria, he cannot have typified by the humped
bull any other country than that on the Cabul. This interpre-
tation is also very well adapted to the other instances in which
this symbol occurs ; moreover, the Chinese mention the very
same humped bull as an animal they for the first time met
with in Kipin ;t the names of Cabura [gopura, town of cows,)
Kophen, and Koas, are perhaps allied to the name of the animal ;
on this point, however, the native orthography of these names
alone can decide.

Azes, moreover, proclaims himself the possessor of so many
provinces, upon those coins, where, besides the ordinary reverse
of the king on horseback, the reverse exhibits a Victory, J having
in the left hand a palm, in the right an indistinct effigy,
probably bearing a trident. The native legend is mahdrdjd
rdjardjo mahatd Ajiliso. Of this hereafter.

We first mention the coins on which he is seen seated cross-
legged, a sword across the knee, while the reverse has a four-
armed male figure. § I think, it certainly represents the Indian
god Shiva. He had therefore adopted the Indian worship, as
did after him Kadphises, and in some degree the Kanerkis.
Azes was either also called Azilises, or this was the name of
his son and successor. This fact is proved not only by the
coins, already mentioned, but also by the following :

King on horseback, with lance depressed, and the Greek
legend, BA2IAEQ2 BA2IAEQN MEFAAOY AZIAI20Y.

* We have an excellent dissertation by Mr. Ritter, on the extreme
boundary within which the Hon is found in India, Erdkunde VI. p. 709,
to which I wiUingly refer.

t Ritter, Erdkunde, VII. 684.

X R. R. I. No. 16.

§ As. Trans. IV. pi. XXII. No. 12, 13. R. R. II. p. 46,

662 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

Reverse^ Victory with a palm in her left hand ', in the right a
trident ; native legend, Mahdrdjo rdjdrdjo mahato, Ajiliso.^

The same obverse, with the reverse of the humped bull, and
with the same legends. f

Azilises therefore claims Cabul and the country on the
Indus to the sea, and if he were another king than Azes, as
I think he was, he must have been his successor, on account of
the exact correspondence in their coins.

It is, however, of far greater importance, to determine the
period of those kings.

The coins of Azes are so closely connected with Greek
types, that he must undoubtedly be a proximate successor of
the Greek kings and their dominion. J Kadphises and the
Kanerkis are at a greater distance. Kadaphes alone pretends
to have conquered the empire of Hermaios ; and yet, this Kada-
phes must have lived, according to the coins, at a later period
than Azes. But if then Hermaios reigned about the year 120
B. c, Kadaphes must be of almost the same period ; Azes
would be, on this supposition, an earlier successor to the other
Grecian thrones ; he preceded Kadaphes therefore, and must be
considered as a cotemporary of Hermaios. We shall hereafter
state, to what conclusion the examination of the historic ac-
counts must lead us. As to the matter in hand, M. Raoul-
Rochette maintains, that the Minerva type of Azes was
imitated after that of Vonones ; for as the titles and the mona-
grams on the coins of both kings correspond with each other,
Azes must be taken for the successor of Vonones. §

If I be allowed to object to the opinion of so solid as cholar,
I venture the following remarks : —

First, the connexion between both of them being ascertained,
why does it follow, that Vonones preceded Azes ? Certainly
neither from the execution of the coins, nor from the historic
accounts, would he do so. The Indo-Scythians decidedly reigned

* R. R. II. No. 20. As. Trans. IV. pi. XXIII. No. 27.
t At the same place. No. 28.
t R. R. II. p. 47, p. 41.
§ R. R. II. p. 30, 41.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 663

on the Indus, previously to Vonones, even if he were the first
of this name. Secondly, how can M. Raoul-Rochette re-
concile the facts, that Azes was the immediate successor of the
Greeks, and was still preceded by Vonones, obviously of Parthian
origin. The monograms decide nothing as to the succession.
Parthian kings, even Arsakes YI, had, a long time previously
to Vonones, the title of ^^ great king of kings .^^ The epithet
^^ just,^^ assumed alike by Azes and Vonones (this escaped the
notice of M. R. R.) also occurs much earlier in Parthian history,
even in the time of Arsakes VII.* Why must Azes have borrow-
ed these titles from Vonones ? As Archelios among Greek kings
already styled himself ^^ just,^^ why cannot Azes have adopted
this title from him ? Lastly, the Minerva type, upon which the
whole argument is based, already occurs with Amyntas^ why
should it not have descended thence to Azes ?

The Vonones under consideration, can hardly be the first of
this name, and if M, Raoul-Rochette be right, we must assign
Azes to a still later period. I think, however, I have proved,
that we shall proceed with more certainty in determining Azes'
place by historical accounts, independent of any connexion
whatever with Vonones.

It is probable, that such an extensive empire as that of Azes,
was not at once overthrown ; thus we observe, besides those of
Azilises, coins, apparently belonging to successors (of his
dynasty) ; the emblems of the various provinces, however, viz.
camel, humped bull, lion, and elephant, do not recur ; hence we
may conclude, that the successors were not powerful enough to
maintain the whole empire.

Some of the coins above (see As. T. 1840, p. 645.) mentioned^
perhaps, belong to this class ; we would still add the following i

An equestrian coin with BA2IAEQ2 MEPAAOY ; re-
verse, king holding a spear, with a Kaftan,t and mahdrdjo, Azes
never has this dress himself; a name is not traceable.

Another coin of a horseman, with illegible Greek legend, and
the monogram of the Kadphises' coins. Reverse, two male

* Visconti. Iconcgr. III. 76, 80.
t As. Trans. IV. pi. XXIII. No. 25.

664 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

figures crown the king, who stands between them, and leans on
a club. On the native legend are only the initial letters of

Mahdrdjo discernible, and of the name, T> rtlA; the three

middle letters should be, according to Mr. Prinsep n'll; ac-
cording to the coin, however, this is hardly clear.*

There is a third equestrian coin, on which a figure of indis-
tinct shape delivers to the horseman a diadem. Greek legend
effaced. On the reverse, according to Mr. Prinsep, a Caduceus ;
the name indistinguishable ; we can only read Mahdrdjo. ^

Of the following king, we know but the name of his brother ;
and even with this clue, his era has not been ascertained. It is
Spaliryos, likewise represented as a horseman. The reverse
seems to have been much disfigured; the well known type of
Hercules seated. The legends are above described.!

On account of the similarity of the name, we place after him
Spalirisos, with Tartarian Kaftan, and a palm over his left
shoulder. The reverse is apparently a disfigured form of Jupi-
ter,§ seated, as occurring on the coins of Hermaios. This
king appears to have reigned in Laghman, and perhaps also in
some neighbouring districts.

As these last mentioned sovereigns still preserve the relics of
Grecian art, so also Vonones, who belongs to this class as being
a horseman.

The king on horseback, with depressed lance. Legend,
BA2IAEQ2 BA2IAEQN MEFAAOY ONQNOY. Reverse,
Jupiter, clad in the pallium, leaning on the sceptre, in the right
hand the thunderbolt. || On the reverse, a Victory without wings,
in the left hand a palm, in the right something indistinguish-

♦ As. Trans. V. pi. XXXV. No. 5. from the Punjab. The position
of the horseman is quite the same with the Parthian Artaban III.

t As. Trans. V. pi. XXXV. No. 15. pi. XLVI. No. 14. V. XXXV.
perhaps belongs too, to this king.

X See As. Trans. IV. pi. XXI. No. 9. V. pi. XXXV. No. 6. R. R. II.
No. 9. From the Punjab and Beghram. R. R. II. p. 26. As. Trans. V.
p. 551.

§ R. R. I. No. 21. As. Trans. V. pi. XXXV. No. 7. IV. pi. XXI. No. 7,
six specimens from Manderor in Laghman. As. Trans. V. p. 551.

11 R, R. II. No. 10.

1840.] from Badrian and Indo- Scythian coins, 665

able.* The same Greek legend; the native one has been
already mentioned.

Lastly, Hercules, the lion^s skin in the left hand, the club
on his arm, crowning himself with the right ; reverse, Minerva,
viKr}(j>6pog, with a helmet ; on her left hand the shield, and holding
on her right hand a winged Victory.f According to the native
legend, the word AlKAIOY must have occurred here instead of
MEFAAOY

I think I have already proved, that the name Vonones cannot
have occurred in native characters on the reverse of these coins,
but probably the name Volagases ; and further, that this Vono-
nes need not have been, according to the coins, a predecessor
of Azes. On comparison with other Parthian coins, it is
likewise evident, that Vonones, in striking coins for his Cabulian
subjects, followed the coinage of Cabul, and not of the Parthians.
To trace the period of Vonones from coins, purely Parthian,
would therefore be fallacious.

Another fact to determine the era of Vonones offers itself in
the following. The initial letter of the Parthian coin, above
described, is M. The Roman Victory on this coin, renders it
necessary to assign to this king a later period than to Vonones I.
who first of the Arsacides adopted this type. J This also leads
to Meherdates, who was educated in Rome, and the initials of
the name are more like ME than MO ; but this does not decide
the question, whether it were Vonones the First or the Second.

As we have now to admit among the sovereigns of Cabul, not
Greeks, but Parthians also, who probably reigned after Azes, (on
this hereafter), so a dynasty succeeded the great Indo-Scythian,
which assumed the Soter- title of the Greeks. As Azes does not
bear this title, they are probably not his descendants.

First, a nameless king, a horseman like Azes, with the legend
[BASIAEYS] BA2IAEYQN (sic) CQTH[P] the name is
effaced. The reverse presents a male figure walking, with the
left hand extended ; in the right an elevated spear, with a pecu-

* R. R. II. No. 14. of the coin. As. Trans. IV. pi. XXI. No. 15. I do not
venture to trace the reverse.

t R. R. II. p. 30. I. No. 20. A8. Trans. IV. pi. XXI. No. 10..
I Visconti Iconogr. III. 146.

666 Lassen 07i the History traced [No. 103.

liar head-dress, the left shoulder naked, otherwise clad in a
robe after the fashion of the Gods on the Kanerki-coins. Legend,
*P:inTu T^en "Pllu, mahato tadharo maharajo ; the name is
also here* effaced.*

The monogram on this coin is now the very same with that
of the nameless Soter-megas, and we must recognise here, if
not himself, yet a near successor of his. The Greek characters
do not allow us to connect this king, or the nameless Soter,
with the Greeks.

This Scythian Soter dynasty, however, prove themselves as of
the same period, or as directly succeeding, the Arsacides above-
mentioned, by the following coins, namely by those of Yndo-
pherres. Having the same title, the same Greek characters,
and, besides, the Victory of the Arsacides, he is allied to them.
He is a complete barbarian in comparison with Azes, and if
Yndopherres indeed succeeded the Parthians, Azes may claim
an earlier era. Yndopherres, however, endeavours to keep the
Greek style of the stamp, while the Kadphises, about to be
mentioned, has removed every trace of Grecian art, save the
characters, on which he also obtrudes words of his language.

Kadphises. The king on a low seat, bearded, in a high Tartar
cap in the form of a cylinder, from which flowing ribbands
descend, in a Kaftan and Tartar boots, holding a branch in his
hand. In the space below, a club. Reverse, Siva in alight dress,
the left hand on the bull Nandi, in the right the trident. There
occurs the complete native legend above described ; the Greek
is the short one.f

The king standing in the same dress, the left hand on his
hip, holding the right over a small altar, above which, a trident ;
in the left space a club (or a sceptre) the long Greek legend ;
the reverse as above described.}

Bust of the king, in the right hand sceptre or club ; above
the cap, the moon-formed sickle (of Siva) ; in the left a small

* As. Trans. IV. pi. XXIII. No. 23.

t R. R. Journal des Sav. No. VIII.

X Trans, of tlie R. A. S. I. No. 10. R. R. I. No. 23. p. 30. As. Trans. III.
pi. XXVI. No. 4. No. 5. V. p. 547. From Balkh, from Beghram and Many-
kvMa.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins, 667

hammer, short Greek legend. Reverse, Ardhanari, holding
in his right hand a long trident, in the left the discus and
pasa of Siva ; the complete native legend.* The same reverse ;
the bust facing the right. f

Lastly, the king on a carriage with two horses ; over the
shoulder the club, in no proportion with the charioteer ; the short
Greek legend. Reverse, Ardhanari with the native legend. J

As copper coins of Kadphises are dug out even near Benares, §
he must have reigned from Beghram to a great distance in
India Proper. The execution of these coins is indeed still
Greek, but whenever the worship of Siva is represented, the
types have become purely Indian. This worship first appears,
though not frequently, with Azes, is exclusive with Kadphises,
and is joined by the Kanerkis with Bactrian gods, who have
the same monogram with Kadphises, and are found together
with his coins. II There is scarcely any doubt, that Kadphises
was a near predecessor of the Kanerkis. His relation to Kada-
phes is more obscure. It is clear, that Kadphises has some
reference to him, save that the former is more ancient, because
he is immediately connected with Hermaios. This king (or
the last of his name) was limited to Beghram, and this must
have been the principal seat of Kadaphes, though his domi-
nions were of further extent. Now it is a singular fact, that
according to the Chinese accounts, the ancient (Scythian)
empire of Gandhara was situated in Kiapiche (Capissa), and
therefore just beyond Beghram, while the native legend ex-
presses the name Kadphises by Kapisa; this is accordingly
the name of the country in the form of pronunciation
delivered to the Greeks and Chinese, which name, however,
appears to be an absorption from Kadphisa. If the name
however be a geographical determination, a new enigma
is given, and Uhavima must be understood in this case

• R. R. I. No. 22. From Cabul in a tope. R. R. I. 28. II. 4. 56. J, des
Sav. p. 390.

t As. Trans. IV. pi. XXXVIII. 4, No. 2, 3.
X The same No. 1.
§ As. Trans, p. 631.
il As. Trans. IV. 631.

4u

668 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

as a proper name. But it is at variance with this supposition,
that Kadaphes should bear the same name. Or is this
perhaps a title, and the same case with the nameless Soter-
meg as.

It would be also desirable to ascertain in an approximative
degree the relation of Kadphises to the Scythian Soter family.
Yndopherres, like Kadphises, appears to have reigned in Begh-
ram ;* but the former is allied to the Parthians, the latter to
the first Azes ; the first has ruder coins, though a classic style ;
the second, types of a better, although of entirely Indian exe-
cution, with an assimilation to Azes by the Siva-worship, while
his relation to Kadaphes places him nearer Hermaios ; he
appears therefore more ancient than Yndopherres. The only
objection would be, that the latter in this case is thrown
between Kadphises and Kanerki. If the equestrian coins
allude, as I presume, to a more westerly country than Gand-
hara, the solution is perhaps given by the conjecture, that
Yndopherres and the Soters, closely allied to him, reigned as
horsemen in a more westerly direction than Kadphises and
Kanerki ; they might therefore rather be placed near either
of them, than between them 5 but I vrillingly abandon this
uncertain base of argument.

It will be proper to look out for firmer grounds upon which
we may classify the many dynasties, above enumerated.

§15.
GrecO'Bactrian Kings.
Let us turn now to the examination of the written accounts
of the history of the Greeks in Bactria. Bactria continued
under the dominion of the Seleucides to the period of Antiochus
II. (262 — 247. B. c.) when Theodotus took advantage of the
weak government, and probably of the wars of that monarch
with Ptolemy II. to render himself independent. This separa-
tion of Bactria from the monarchy of Antiochus happened a short
time before the declaration of independence by the Parthians, or
previously to 256 b. c. as appears from the fact, that Arsaces,

* According to the number of coins, there discovered. As. Trans. V.
p. 547.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 669

the founder of the Parthian empire, had fled from the increas-
ing power of Theodotus.*

We do not know how far the power of Theodotus extended.
Sogdiana was perhaps subjected to him, but it is hardly credible
that the thousand towns which Justin attributes to him, to show
his power, really existed in his dominions. Bayer plausibly
conjectures, that these thousand towns were erroneously trans-
ferred by Justin from a notice on Eukratides, to the founder of
the Bactrian empire. f The passages show only that Theodotus
contrived the conquest of Parthia, while the aggrandisement of
the Bactrian power is ascribed to Euthydemos.

In opposition to the explicit authority of these authors, M.
Raoul-Rochette has endeavoured to establish Agathokles as the
founder of the Bactrian empire. J It is true, the eparch of Persia
under Antiochus II. is called sometimes Agathokles, and some-
times Pherekles ; but our Agathokles reigned in a province of
India, and previously to Euthydemos the Bactrian dominion did
not extend so far southward.

* Prolog. Trog. Pomp. XLI. " In Bactrianis autem rebus, ut a Diudoto
rege constitutum imperium est." Just. xli. 4. On Arsaces : " Non magno
deinde post tempore Hyrcanorum quoque regnum occupavit, atque ita
duarum civitatum imperio prseditus, grandem exercitum parat, metu
Seleuci et Theodoti, Bactrianorum regis. Sed cito morte Theodoti
metu liberatus, cum filio ejus et ipso Theodoto foedus ac pacem fecit.
Strabo xi. c. 2. p. 515 *' NswrejOKT^tvrwi/ ^£ tCov £$w tov Tavpov
cia TO TTpog aWr}\ovg uvai rovg Trjg ^vpiag Kal rrjg Mjj^/ac
pacTiXiag, rovg ey^ovTag Kai ravra, TTpwTOV fxlv rriv l^aKTpiaprjv
a7rs<JTr)(7av ol Tr^iriarwp.ivoi, Kai tyjv eyyvg avTr\g iraaav oi irspi
^vBvSrjjuov" § 3, p. 515. on Arsaces, '' ol ^e l^aKrpiavov Xiyovaiv
avTov. (j)evyovTa ^l Trjv av^rt<Jiv tCov irepL Aio^orov, airoGTriaaL
ry)v TlapOvaiav,

But there was no long interval between both insurrections. Justin, xii.
4, fixes the defection of the Parthians as under the consulate of L. Manlius
Vulso, and M. Atilius Regulus ; " eodum tempore etiam Theodotus, mills
urbium Bactrianarum prsefectus, defecit, regemque se appellari jussit.
Quod exemplum sequuti, to tins orientis populi a Macedonibus defecere."
But who were they, unless the Parthians ?

t p. 47. X J. dea Sav. 1834. p. 334.

670 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

There have not yet been discovered coins of Theodotus and
his son of the same name, and they can only come from Bactria.

Whether another king reigned between Theodotus II. and
Euthydemos, is unknown, but not improbable ; the one fact is
certain, that the latter sovereign dethroned the family of Theo-
dotus, for he alleged this very act in order to obtain the favour
of Antiochus 111.=*

Upon Strabo's authority, above mentioned, Euthydemos took
possession of the districts adjacent to Bactria ; Parthia cannot be
understood by this, he must have meant Aria and Margiana ; he
had at least collected against Antiochus an army of horsemen
on the borders of the Arius,t and had already fought against the
northern nomades, he must have, therefore, certainly possessed
Sogdiana, and to him probably refers the notice, that the Greek
kings of Bactria divided their empire into Satrapies. J

We owe to the expedition of Antiochus against upper Asia, a
clearer insight into the circumstances of those countries at
that period. This war, and the negotiations between the Syrian
and the Bactrian kings belong to the years 208-5. B.C. From
Polybios' account, which is extant, it follows, that the Parthian

* Polyb. Fragm. xi, c. 34. Schw. III. p. 379. y^yovkvai yap ovK
avTog aTroffTaTrjg tov jJatJiXewgy aW iT£p(s)v airotJTavroJV, £7ra-
vfXo^tvoc roue ^Kdvtjv eKyovovg, ovtu) Kparriaai rrJc Bafcrpiavaiv
ap-^TiQ

t Polyb. X. 49.

I Strabo, xi. II, 2. oi ^£ Karaffyovrsg ai»Tr)v ''EXXrjvfc? 'fat ^tC
aarpairuaq ciypriKaffiv' iov ry]v tc 'Ao-Trtwvou Kai rrivTovpiovav
a(j>ripYjvTo ^FiVKparLSav ol TlapOvaioi. ''Ec^ov ^e Kai ttjv
^oyciavrfv k. t. A. The two satrapies mentioned, evidently He toward
the northerly Scythian country, the frontier of Sogdiana. The^ Aawaaia^
/cat (Strabo, xi. Scyth. 8.) to whom Arsaces fled, belonged to the Choras-
mians and Attasians, who have likewise the name Avyacnoi^ perhaps we
ought to read 'AffTradtoi. Polyb. (x. 48.) calls all Nomades about the
Oxus Aspasiaces, which is therefore a general term for the nations of
horsemen (Azpa, horse). Mr. Burnouf undoubtedly explains with
propriety Turiana by the word of the Zend Tiiirja ; it is the Turan of
Firdusis ; the Turanian satrapy of Bactria, according to Strabo.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 671

empire,, at that period, was still limited to Hyrcania and
Parthia, and the Scythian nomades to their northerly heaths,
though even menacing invasion. Among the conditions of
peace occurred likevrise the following stipulation, — that Euthy-
demos was to surrender his elephants ; hence we may presume,
that although he had made no expedition on the south beyond
the Caucasus, yet, he must have entered upon connexions
mth India. At that time he had not yet a firm footing
southward of the mountains, as we find there the king Sopha-
gasenos, who concluded an alliance with Antiochus, delivered
over to him some elephants, and agreed to pay him a certain
sum of money. The Indian king apparently engaged in this
league as a protection from Euthydemos, whose power had al-
ready manifested itself in the south of the Caucasus. As it is
called a renewed treaty, this Indian king must have belonged to
the dynasty of the Palibothrian princes, who had always been
in friendly relations to the Seleucides. We can indeed prove
hereafter, that from the time of Seleukos Nikator, those Indian
kings possessed the country west of the Indus to the Caucasus,*
and hence it arises, that the Bactrian kings, down to the time of
this peace, had no possessions in the south of the Caucasus,
and only when Antiochus entangled himself in disputes with
Egypt, and thereby with Rome, were they at liberty to engage in
plans for an invasion of India ; that is therefore about the year
203 B. c.

Antiochus effected his retreat through Arachosia and Drangi-
ana, and there is no reason to doubt, that both countries
were still under the dominion of the Seleucides. f

Demetrios, the son of Euthydemos, then a youth of remark-
able beauty, had a principal share in concluding the peace with
Antiochus, whose daughter was given him in marriage.

This Demetrios however is afterwards not mentioned as
king of Bactria, but of India {'' Demetrii regis Indorum^'J)

* De Pentap. Ind. p. 42—45.
t By the notice, that Seleukos had also yielded Arachosia to Kandragup-
ta, we have certainly to understand but the district eastward of the sour-
ces of the Helmund and the Lora. X Justin, xli. 6.

672 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

fighting with Eukratides for the dominion of Bactria^ and
eventually conquered and deprived of India by this king.
We do not know^ whether he originally succeeded his father
in Bactria, and was expelled from thence, and limited to his
Indian possessions, being eventually deprived of them also, or
whether some one embraced the opportunity of his absence
from Bactria, while he was perhaps engaged in an expedition
against India, after the deatli of his father, to take possession of
the Bactrian throne.* Nor do we know, whetlier Eukratides
or a predecessor of his, expelled the family of Euthydemos from
Bactria.

The opinion which most naturally suggests itself is, that
Eukratides expelled them ; up to this time, however, Menandros
has been ordinarily considered as king of Bactria before
Eukratides, though some say, ApoUodotos, probably the son of
Menandros, or, lastly, Heliokles, whom we know only from
the coins. The opinions maintained as explanatory of these dif-
ferent successions to the throne of Bactria, must exceedingly
differ one from another, on account of our defective information ;
and were we to examine these opinions, it would be evident,
that all of them are more or less artificial and forced, and even
dogmatical. But instead of subjecting them to a critical review,
it will suffice our purpose to refer (Bayer, p. 85 — 89. R. R. I. 34.
II. 33,) to them, and to attempt arranging the facts in the way
in which, from our own comparison of the respective passages,
and the new results derived from the coins, we think we must
needs consider them.

First ; the conjecture of adopting three kings in Bactria be-
tween Euthydemos and Eukratides, appears somewhat improba-
ble. Menandros is among them, whose reign cannot have been
a short one, since we know that he had made great conquests
in India, and gained by his justice the general attachment of his

* M. R. R. infers fi-om the coins, that Demetrios, although for a short
time, did also reign in Bactria. This conjecture is not improbable, though
the conclusion of R. R. does not appear to me to be founded on a firm
basis.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 673

subjects. On this fact we have the authority of Plutarch and
Strabo.*

Secondly ; the respective passages, more carefully considered,
do not render it necessary to consider Menandros as a king of
Bactria, but they are rather at variance with this view.

Plutarch makes no mention of Menandros but accidentally; and
the great conqueror is so little known to him, that he calls him,
^^ one Menandros.'^ As now even Strabo, though he had before
him the book of ApoUodoros of Artemita, the very best authority
for this history, does not distinguish in a remarkable manner the
separated dominions of the Greeks in India, a fact fully estab-
lished by the evidence of the coins ; we cannot be surprised, that
Plutarch in later days, confounded the separate Indian empire
with the Bactrian one. The expression he uses, does not there-
fore obUge us to consider Menandros as king of Bactria.

Strabo, when summing up in his passage the greatest extent
of power on the whole, any where attained by those Greeks
who rendered Bactria independent, mentions Menandros as the
sovereign who advanced farthest towards India; but he is not
named there as king of Bactria, nor does this follow from a
passage conceived in such general terms as this is. If we do not
explain this passage as intended to give a general view, but ra-
ther limit the facts mentioned to Menandros and Demetrios,
they would be considered by Strabo as those that stirred up
Bactria against the Seleucides, and who had also possessions in
the country of the Scythian nomades ; now the first statement
would be false, and the second improbable.

Lastly ; the following passage, (Prolo. Trog. Pomp, xli)
^^ Indices quoque res additae, gestae per ApoUodotum et Me-
nandrum, reges eorum. Bactria was, it is true, already mentioned,
but why should this prevent a suspicion, that in such an ex-
tract the expression was too concisely given, and that instead of
explaining '^ eorum '' by ^^ BactrianoruMy^ we should not ra-
ther supply ^^ Indorunv'^ from " Indicee ? ^^

* Plutarcli de Kep. Ger. p. 821.
MtvavSjOov ^k Tivog tv ^uKTpoig iirieiKioQ j3a(JiXtv(TavTog, ura
aTToOavovTog ctti (JTpaToire^ov k. r. X.

Strabo. xi. p. 516. We shall hereafter examine this passage.

674 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

I infer from this discussion^ that none of the passages cited
necessitate our considering Menandros as a Bactrian king, and
still less ApoUodotos. It is only certain, that Menandros made
great conquests in India ; we must therefore h^ve recourse to
the coins.

Thirdly ; these coins always exhibit Cabulian letters as their
symbols, and their places of discovery, moreover, refer to an
Indian empire, and we may justly assign Menandros and Apol-
lodotos to the history of the Indo-Grecian kingdoms.*

Now as to Heliokles : —

This king, mentioned by no author, must have his place as-
signed him on numismatological grounds alone; but different
conclusions have been drawn from them by different writers.
Visconti, and M. Raoul-Rochette think him earlier than Eukra-
tides ; in this case he might be the very same who removed the
Euthydemides from the throne, and the epithet, " the just,*'
might allude to his retributive justice towards the family of the
usurper Euthydemos. M. Mionnet takes him for the successor,
and even for the murderer, of his father Eukratides. In this
case he was perhaps the last Greco-Bactrian king. The numis-
maticians may settle this dispute among them. There is ample
room for him, as well before as after Eukratides, if even two
Eukratides be adopted, f

* See Mr. Mueller, p. 208.

t Visconti. Icon. TIT. p. 253. R. R. II. p. 20. p. 26. Mionnet VIII. p. 470.
M. R. R. concedes (p. 20) that Heliokles was coeval with his Eukratides
II. ; but supposing now, that there were two Eukratides, or say even, there
were only one, how can Heliokles, who has no claim whatever to having
possessed any empire save Bactria, have been coeval with Eukratides, un-
less he were his immediate predecessor or successor ? The numismatologi-
cal reason for assigning to Heliokles an earlier era, seems not to be very
evident, as M. R. R. does not mention any certain fact. Visconti's inference,
drawn from the epithet, is wholly inconclusive. But how can we reconcile,
that in vol. II. p. 20, M. R. R. should make Heliokles a contemporary of
Eukratides, while in vol. I. p. 33, he is considered the successor of Deme-
trius, predecessor of Antimachos, and pre-predecessor of Eukratides I ? M.
Mionnet explained the epithet of Heliokles, by the passage of Justin,
in which he prides himself on the murder of his father as of a good deed. If
he were indeed the son and successor of Eukratides, this interpretation of

1840.] from Bactr'ian and Indo- Scythian coins. 6/5

However Demetrius may have been deprived of the Bactrian
throne, it is estabUshed^ that he founded an Indian empire ;
thence attacking Eukratides in Bactria, he was conquered by
this king, who then took possession of India also.*

Let us first settle where we have to look for the empire of
Demetrius. Strabo, in the passage where he takes a general
view of the conquests of the Greek kings, mentions two of them,
Demetrios and Menandros, as the greatest conquerors. These
conquests included partly Ariana, by which Strabo means the
country of the Paropamisades, Arachosia, and Gedrosia ; and
partly countries to the north of Sogdiana. The mention of the
Serians does not lead us to China, as has been objected
to that reading, but to the Issedon Serica of Ptolemy, on the
borders of the Achardus, whether it be Yarkiang or Kaschgar,
and where indeed is the improbability of this supposition ? This
is the construction of the geographer, Dionysios (p. 752,)
Kal To-^apoif ^povyoi re, /cat iOvea fiapf^apa 2?7/owv."
These conquests lastly included districts towards India, and this in
two directions, in India Proper, beyond the last river reached by
Alexander, beyond the Hyphasis to the Jumna, and down the
Indus to the sea, comprising the Delta of Pattalene, and further
to the east Surastra or Guzerate, extending along the shore. f

the epithet would be most acceptable, were it not wholly preposterous ;
for M. R. R. says, (II. p. 20.), " Cette id4e est si extraordinaire, qu'elle ne
comporte pas une discussion serieuse. Jamais en aucun temps et dana
aucun pays du monde on n'a brave I'opinion pubUque, ni outragfe la
raison et Thumanitfe au point de pretendre couvrir un parricide par le titre
Juste." I however will not venture " tantas componere Utes." It affords me
extreme pleasure to learn, that the science of Numismatics is the only
one which does not submit to force, and pay homage to crime, that it has
even necessitated such an abominable monster as the son and murderer of
Eukratides to preserve upon his coins, that respect for public opinion,
which he elsewhere so boldly violated !
* Justin. XL I, 6. Strabo xi. 1, p. 516.

j* Toorovrov §£ 'iffyyaav ol a7rocrr»j<Tavr£c '^EXXrjvec avrriv

(Bactria) Sea tt)v aptrriv rrjc yCjpaqy w<jtb rri^ 'Apiavr}g €7r£fcpa-

rouv, Kai tCov IvScuv, log <jnfi<nv o 'AttoXXoSw/ooc o 'Ajora^ir^voc,

Kal TrXetw sOvri KaTi<JTpe\pavTO rj AXe^av^poQ, Kal jutaXiffra Mt-

674 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

I infer from this discussion^ that none of the passages cited
necessitate our considering Menandros as a Bactrian king, and
still less ApoUodotos. It is only certain, that Menandros made
great conquests in India ; we must therefore h^ve recourse to
the coins.

Thirdly ; these coins always exhibit Cabulian letters as their
symbols, and their places of discovery, moreover, refer to an
Indian empire, and we may justly assign Menandros and Apol-
lodotos to the history of the Indo- Grecian kingdoms.*

Now as to Heliokles : —

This king, mentioned by no author, must have his place as-
signed him on numismatological grounds alone; but different
conclusions have been drawn from them by different writers.
Visconti, and M. Raoul-Rochette think him earlier than Eukra-
tides ; in this case he might be the very same who removed the
Euthydemides from the throne, and the epithet, ^^ the just,''
might allude to his retributive justice towards the family of the
usurper Euthydemos. M. Mionnet takes him for the successor,
and even for the murderer, of his father Eukratides. In this
case he was perhaps the last Greco- Bactrian king. The numis-
raaticians may settle this dispute among them. There is ample
room for him, as well before as after Eukratides, if even two
Eukratides be adopted, f

• See Mr. Mueller, p. 208.

t Visconti. Icon. TIT. p. 253. R. R. II. p. 20. p. 26. Mionnet VIII. p. 470.
M. R. R. concedes (p. 20) that Heliokles was coeval with his Eukratides
II. ; but supposing now, that there were two Eukratides, or say even, there
were only one, how can Heliokles, who has no claim whatever to having
possessed any empire save Bactria, have been coeval w ith Eukratides, un-
less he were his immediate predecessor or successor ? The numismatologi-
cal reason for assigning to Heliokles an earlier era, seems not to be very
evident, as M. R. R. does not mention anj^ certain fact. Visconti's inference,
drawn from the epithet, is w holly inconclusive. But how can we reconcile,
that in vol. II. p. 20, M. R. R. should make Heliokles a contemporary of
Eukratides, while in vol. I. p. 33, he is considered the successor of Deme-
trius, predecessor of Antimachos, and pre-predecessor of Eukratides I ? M.
Mionnet explained the epithet of Heliokles, by the passage of Justin,
in which he prides himself on the murder of his father as of a good deed. If
he were indeed the son and successor of Eukratides, this interpretation of

1840.] from BacMan and Lido- Scythian coins. 6/5

However Demetrius may have been deprived of the Bactrian
throne, it is estabUshed^ that he founded an Indian empire ;
thence attacking Eukratides in Bactria, he was conquered by
this king, who then took possession of India also.*

Let us first settle where we have to look for the empire of
Demetrius. Strabo, in the passage where he takes a general
view of the conquests of the Greek kings, mentions two of them,
Demetrios and Menandros, as the greatest conquerors. These
conquests included partly Ariana, by which Strabo means the
country of the Paropamisades, Arachosia, and Gedrosia ; and
partly countries to the north of Sogdiana. The mention of the
Serians does not lead us to China, as has been objected
to that reading, but to the Issedon Serica of Ptolemy, on the
borders of the iVchardus, whether it be Yarkiang or Kaschgar,
and where indeed is the improbability of this supposition ? This
is the construction of the geographer, Dionysios (p. 752,)
Kdt To-^apoif ^povyoi re, /cat iOvea (5ap^apa Srj^owv/*
These conquests lastly included districts towards India, and this in
two directions, in India Proper, beyond the last river reached by
Alexander, beyond the Hyphasis to the Jumna, and down the
Indus to the sea, comprising the Delta of Pattalene, and further
to the east Surastra or Guzerate, extending along the shore. t

the epithet would be most acceptable, were it not wholly preposterous ;
for M. R. R. says, (II. p. 20.), " Cette id§e est si extraordinaire, qu'elle ne
comporte pas une discussion serieuse. Jamais en aucun temps et dana
aucun pays du monde on n'a brave I'opinion publique, ni outrag6 la
raison et I'humanitfe au point de pretendre couvrir un parricide par le titre
Juste.'' I however will not venture '* tantas componere lites." It affords me
extreme pleasure to learn, that the science of Numismatics is the only
one which does not submit to force, and pay homage to crime, that it has
even necessitated such an abominable monster as the son and murderer of
Eukratides to preserve upon his coins, that respect for public opinion,
which he elsewhere so boldly violated !
* Justin. XL I, 6. Strabo xi. 1, p. 516.

f ToCTourov Se 'iayyaav ot airocfTriaavTiq '^EXX>?V£C avrriv

(Bactria) Sia rrjv aptrriv rrj^ yj^pag, loffre Trig Apiavinq c^re/cpa-

rouv, Kai tCov IvSwv, log ^riaiv o 'AttoXXoSw/ooc o 'A/orajUir^vo^,

Kal TrXftw eOvYi KarecTrpe^pavTO tJ AXc£av^/ooc, Kai juaXicrra Mc-

676 Lasseii^s Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. [No. 103.

It has not been noticed, what direction the conquests of De-
metrius followed ; those of Menandros, it is said, were directed
against India Proper. But who then conquered Ariana ? Who
Pattalene ? Who the country of the Serians ? 6trabo makes no
distinctions there, and the last country at least, could have been
hardly conquered by Demetrius or Menandros, though we must
probably ascribe the conquest of Pattalene to either of both
kings. But to which ?

vav^pog, c't-yg Kai TOV^Yiracnv (edd. — viv) ^u^rj npog kw, Kai fjikyjpi
rov \op.avov (edd. *laafiov) TTjOorjAOc, tcl fxlv yap avrog, to. §£
^r)fX7]rpiOQ o EuOu^^ijUOu vloq rov ^aKTpiwv (^aariXewg, ov ^o-
vov Se TTJv UaTTaXrivrjv Karea^ov, aWa Kal rrjc aXXfiq TrapaXiag
Tr)v T£ 2a/oio<rrou (o^ ^apaoarov) KaXovfxkvnv, ^ai Tqv ^lykp-
Ti^og jSafftXe/av. Ka^' oXov ^e (jirjcTiv eKHVog rriQ (rvjutiratrtig
^Apiavrig irpoa'^ixa cii^at r»)v BaACTjOiavrjr, Kat orj Kai fik'^pt
^ripLjv Kai ^pvvMV e^ereivav Trjv ap^v. The alterations ' Yirafftv
and 'lojuavov, "are perhaps necessary." re 2a^io(Trou occurs together
with Tetra/otoffrov in the manuscripts. Mr. Prinsep (As. Trans. VI. p.
390) first noticed, that by this Sur§,shtra was to be understood. ApoUodoros
has perhaps mentioned a king, who was named after his country, as
Taxiles was already before named in the same manner. Ptolemy has
^vpaarprivri ; according to him, it is the country between Cutchandthe
river Mahi, therefore Guzerate, Sigertis (in Sanscrit perhaps Srigarta)
must be the coast round Barygaza; Ptolemy has, on the south of the
Nerbudda, the town Siripala (Sripala) which perhaps denotes the same
name. In Sanscrit this coast has the name of Lata (pronounced Lara)
whence the Larice of the ancient 'authors.

"It is also called Surashtra, and its inhabitants Surashtras, the royal
and excellent royal offspring. Another name for it is Gurjjara-rashtra,
or kingdom of the Gurjjaras or Gurjjas in conversation. Hence it is called
the country of Gourz or Giourx by one of Renaudot's Musalman travellers
in the ninth century. From Surashtra and Gujjara-rashtra they have made,
in the spoken dialects, Surat, and Gurjjarat, and even Gujjerat." Essay
on the ancient Geography of India, M.S.S. No. 277. Library As.
Soc. of Bengal.

(To be continued,)

677

Abstract Report of the Proceedings of the Committee appointed to
superintend the Boring Operations in Fort William, from their
commencement in December, 1835, to their close in April, 1840.
Several attempts have at different times been made to supply the
deficiency of good water in Fort William, by boring through the
strata on which it stands, in search of subterranean springs. The pre-
sent operations, which form the most recent of the series, were origi-
nally commenced in December, 1835, but the site then selected was
shortly afterwards abandoned in consequence of the operations having
been impeded by a dislocation of the joints of the metallic tubes
lining the bore. As all attempts made to rejoint the dislocated
tubes proved unsuccessful, the Committee selected a new locality
closely adjoining, however, to that of the original bore, no advantage
being anticipated from any change of site within the limits of the
Fort, the succession of strata, and the circumstances of their disposi-
tion, being alike within so small a space.

On the 2nd of April, 1836, the operations of the Committee were
resumed, by commencing the excavation of a shaft, ten feet in
diameter, ten feet in depth, interiorly rivetted with good masonry,
and having its bottom strongly planked, with masonry continued
over the planking. A boarded floor with a central trap door moving
on hinges so as to admit of access to the shaft, as occasion might re-
quire, covered the top. A large gin (Sketch No. 1) filled with the
necessary tackling for working the rods and tools, and having a
wooden platform supported by massive timber uprights, on which
a heavy weight of guns was placed to give the requisite stability, was
erected over the shaft. The rods, &c. were originally worked with
ropes, but the expenditure of these became so serious as to lead to
their being replaced by strong chain cables, which were found in
every respect superior. Two chains attached to the ring of a brace-
head passed subsequently through a triple block fixed to the apex of
the gin, and were then led to two powerful crabs, firmly bolted to
large fixed sleepers, at about fifteen or eighteen feet from the gin. A
chain was attached to each crab, and on the screw of the upper rod
being entered into the brace-head, the crabs were worked simultane-
ously, and the power of both thus brought to bear in raising the mass

of the rods, or in any other necessary manner.

4r

678

Boring Operations in Fort William, [No. 103.

On the 28th of April the actual excavation of the bore was com-
menced with a six inch auger, being that adapted to the tubing
it was intended to employ. On the depth of 120 feet being attained,
the quicksand, which had rendered the first attempt abortive, was
again met with. The experience of its previous effects had render-
ed apparent the necessity of securing firmly the joints of the tubes,
which was acco'rdingly done by means of four short, but strong
screws, in the manner represented in sketch No. II. To this precau-
tion the success of the work so far was undoubtedly to be attributed,
as the difficulties were found most serious from the loose, even semi-
fluid, consistence of the sand, which on the removal of a portion of
the water, then standing in the tubes within 15 feet of the surface,
immediately rose to seventeen feet, and though the work was conti-
nued night and day, actually rose faster than its removal could be
effected, so that at the end of eleven days and nights of incessant toil,
it had risen from 124 to 103 feet.

Hence it became evident, that the only mode of overcoming the
obstacles presented by the sand, was to force the tubes down till
coming in contact with some firm stratum, the sand should be exclud-
ed ; by unrelaxing perseverance and much labour, frequently with an
advance of not more than a few inches in the day, the tubes at length
attained a depth of 157 feet. The sand was then perceptibly gained
upon, and at 159 feet a stiff clay was reached, and the borer which
during the prevalence of the sand was always behind the tubing,
now passed it, and in twenty-four hours attained a depth of 175 feet.

The open auger it was found could not be used with effect ex-
cept in working through clay ; a valved instrument, therefore, called
the "Mudshell," had hitherto been employed for raising the sand.
This tool however here became useless, from some defect in the action
of the valve, which failed either to admit or retain the sand, now
coarse and gravelly, and in consequence it was found impracticable
to penetrate with it beyond 175 feet. One of the augers however
being fitted with a valve, and otherwise altered so as to retain the
sand, was employed with partial success, but not to an extent suffi-
cient to prevent the sand rising in the tubes, since after working
twenty-one days, and the tubing having been forced down to a depth
of 177 feet 2 inches, it was found impossible to work the auger

1840.] Boring Operations in Fort William. 679

lower than 167 feet 10 inches ; occasionally a partial advance was
made, but it was neither permanent nor certain, from the constant
variation of the height of the sand in the tubes.

On entering the stratum of stiff clay, above alluded to, the night-
work had ceased, but it was again found necessary to resume it,
as the only means of overcoming the existing difficulties. The effect
of this was to carry the bore successfully ■ to a depth of 182 feet 8
inches by the 27th of July, when a temporary suspension of the
operations took place, from the supply of rods having become ex-
hausted. It may be mentioned, that for some days prior to this date
considerable inconvenience had been experienced by the stoppage
of the borer, both in its ascent and descent, by some obstacle, the
nature of which could not be ascertained. Had it been constant in
its position, it might have been anticipated that the tubing had again
been dislocated or forced from the perpendicular, but so far from this
being the case, the borer occasionally descended and was brought up
without the least difficulty ; this temporary intermission was followed
by the re-appearance of the impediment ; again it intermitted, and
latterly disappeared altogether.

A further supply of the rods having been obtained from Delhi,
the boring was resumed on the 13th October, 1836.* During this
interval of suspension, however, it was found that the tubes had

* The following singular circumstances connected with these Delhi rods, may here
be placed upon record, though it has been found impossible to obtain any satisfactory
explanation of their origin or cause.

1000 feet of rods, in lengths of 20 feet each, were received from the Court of
Directors at one time ; 500 feet of these were taken indiscriminately for the Fort Ope-
rations, and the remaining 500 feet were forwarded to the Magazine at Delhi. On the
occasion of the supply in the Fort becoming exhausted, a portion of those sent to
Delhi were called for, and 200 feet were in the first instance received, subsequently
followed by the remaining 300. On working the two sets together a remarkable dif-
ference was observed between them. Under equal strains the rods obtained from
Delhi twisted and bent with the utmost facility, while those employed in the Fort
operations continued rigid and straight, so that ultimately the latter alone could be
used in the daily work, the others being laid up in store as useless. Had this flexibi-
lity been confined to a portion of the Delhi rods, it might have been explicable on
the supposition that some flexible rods had been intermixed with the rigid ones, but
it was equally observable in the whole 500 feet of them, so that this explanation can
scarcely be admitted, especially when it is remembered that in the first instance no
sort of selection was employed. The strength of the Delhi was however considerably
greater than that of the Fort rods, the former bearing a strain of 19.6 tons on the
square inch, without breaking ; while the latter yielded to a strain of 16.2 tyns per
square inch.

680 Boring Operations in Fort William. [No. 103.

sunk by their own weight from 183 to 187 feet, and the bore could
now be worked to the depth of 189 feet. By the 10th November
following, a depth of 238 feet 5 inches had been attained, the chief
difficulty in prosecuting the work arising from the imperfect action
of the instrument employed in raising the sand, in consequence of
which the whole contents of the shell were frequently removed during
its passage to the surface. To the construction of the valves of such
instruments, much attention ought therefore to be paid, as on the effec-
tive action of these, the progress of the operations is most essentially
dependant.

On the 15th November, an attempt was made to bring up some
water from the bottom of the bore by lowering a bottle with a large
brass plummet attached to it, to cause it to sink ; but unfortunately
before it could be raised, the connecting string broke, and the plum-
met was left below. Considerable anxiety was excited by this, from
the anticipation (subsequently realized) of the auger coming in con-
tact with the plummet, and being jammed within the tubing. On
arriving at the depth of 271 feet, the lower part of the.mudshell, in-
cluding the valve, from some unknown cause broke off, and remained
at the bottom of the bore. This accident caused much trouble, but
after various attempts to extricate the fractured shell, the perforation
of an aperture in it, by the use of a jumper, admitted of a strong
conical worm auger being screwed into it, and by the hold thus
obtained, it was successfully raised to the surface.

At the depth of 324 feet the borer came in contact with the
long lost plummet, and became so firmly jammed between it and the
tubing as to foil every effort made for its extrication, though the
force applied at one time was so great as to raise the whole body
of the tubing about 4 inches, the weight of this being certainly not
less than 7i tons, exclusive of friction. To guard against the in-
convenience of an accidental fracture of the rods at any considerable
distance beneath the surface, while they were subject to such strains,
Captain Thomson of the Engineers suggested that the uppermost rod
should be made thinner and weaker than those within the bore (so
as to give way first) but yet capable of bearing a strain of 25 tons.
The force subsequently applied caused the rods however to break at
their connection with the mudshell, and though they were all brought

1840.] Boring Operations in Fort William. 681

up, the tool remained below. A new operation therefore became
necessary for extracting the shell, and first the upper portion of it was
considerably widened by the use of a jumper. A drill was then
introduced, and after several day's labour a hole, sufficiently large to
admit of the conical worm auger being screwed into the shell, was
drilled. The entire shell was immediately brought up, bearing ample
indications of having been in^contact with the plummet, but leaving
it still at the bottom of the bore.

On the first of October, 1837, the depth attained by the tubing
was 431 feet, while the depth of the bore varied from 418 to 426
feet, according to the height of the sand. The water stood from ten to
twelve feet from the surface, according to the seasons. By the 30th
of April, 1838, the bore was 460 feet deep, and by the 18th Septem-
ber following, a total depth of 481 feet was reached. Just prior how-
ever to that depth being attained, the progress of the tubing was
arrested by large stones requiring the use of the jumper. By its aid
the tubing was again set free, but at 481 feet again arrested, and a
repetition of the employment of the jumper became necessary. As
the tool originally employed proved insufficient to fracture the stones
then met with, a larger and heavier one was attached to the rods,
and after a few blows, seemed to have effected its purpose ; but on
attempting to raise it again it was found to be so firmly jammed
that every attempt at dislodging it proved fruitless. A great power
was simultaneously applied to raising the rods, and forcing down the
tubes, but with no other effect than the perceptible elongation of
the former. About 150 blows of a ram, weighing 2| cwt., with a
fall of fifteen feet, were then given to the head of the rods, in the
hope that the vibration thus communicated to them would tend to
loosen the jumper from its hold. The large accumulation of sand
over the tool and round the rods rendered it however problematical
if the vibrations ever reached the jumper; and if they did, there can
be little doubt that the above cause tended most materially to dimi-
nish their intensity, as no useful result followed the trial of this expe-
riment. Again, and as a final effort, the tubing was securely held
down, and four powerful jack-screws were applied to raise the rods,
which after stretching two feet six inches, and thereby affording a gleam
of hope that^the difficulty was vanquished, unfortunately broke off at

682 Boring Operations in Fort William^ [No. 103.

one of the connecting joints, 160 feet from the surface, the remaining
320 feet attached to the jumper, being left within the bore.

Under these circumstances the only hope of being able to con-
tinue the operations lay in the practicability of unscrewing and
raising the rods, and this after much difficulty was at length so far
satisfactorily effected by the use of an ingenious instrument designed
by Captain John Thomson, that 29(^ of the 320 feet of the rods
were successfully extracted. This instrument consisted of three
steel arms rivetted to an iron bell, in the manner shewn in sketch
No. Ill, and subsequently welded to the end of the undermost
boring rod. The interior surfaces of the steel arms were cut in
grooves so inclined, that on the head of the rod to be extracted
being grasped within them, and a rotatory motion communicated to
the instrument from above, the teeth cut into the soft iron, and by
the hold thus obtained, the unscrewing and raising were effected.
The bell acted as a guide, and was made of diameter just sufficient to
admit of the instrument being readily worked within the tubing. It
became necessary to pass iron pins through all the connecting joints
of the rods, otherwise the rotatory motion would have unscrewed
them.

On the 16th of February, 1839, the instrument above described
was again successfully employed in unscrewing twenty feet more of
the fractured rods. After this a single rod, only ten feet in length,
remained attached to the jumper, and repeated attempts were made to
effect its extrication, till at length during one of these, its joint
unfortunately broke off, leaving the difficulty greater than ever. The
only remedy which presented itself, was to construct a second instru-
ment of which the steel arms would be long enough to lay hold of the
shoulder strap in the centre of the rod. This instrupient, after
several unsuccessful attempts had been made with it to unscrew the
broken rod, also gave way, the upper part appearing with one arm
attached to it, while the other two arms attached to the bell remained
below. By the use of the conical worm auger the broken instrument
was occasionally raised as high as thirty feet, but the hold of it could
never be retained to any greater height, some obstacle to its further
progress upwards invariably meeting it there, and effectually prevent-
ing its removal.

1840.] Boring operations in Fort William. G83

From the 10th to the 15th February, 1840, the work was pro-
secuted night and day without intermission, as a final effort to remove
the sand which had accumulated over the broken instrument, rod,
&c. and thus to admit of another tool (designed by Sergeant Long,
hurst. Sappers and Miners) to be used with greater facility. This
tool shewn in sketch No. IV. consisted of an iron rod with four
strong palls attached to it, and so constructed, that while the tube
was passing down the tubing, or within the bell of the broken in-
strument, they lay close to the rod, but on its passing completely
through, they moved on their axes and caught underneath the tubing
or bell, so as to give fulcra for the force from above to act upon.
In this instance, however, as before, the attempt terminated in dis-
appointment, for though the broken instrument was occasionally
raised a few feet, every exertion failed in raising it to the surface.

A long continuance of unceasing exertion on the part of those
employed having thus proved insufficient for the removal of these
obstacles, the Committee considered it their duty to discontinue, and
were on the eve of communicating to Government their unanimous
opinion that a further prosecution of the boring operations would only
be incurring expense, for which there was no prospect of any adequate
return, when it was suggested to them that some good effect might re-
sult from the explosion of a charge of powder, contained in a water-
tight case, in the immediate vicinity of the broken tool and jumper.
The Committee deeming it possible that the concussion thereby caused
might loosen the hold of the jumper, or fracture the broken tool, so as
to admit of its fragments being raised to the surface, and willing to
adopt any expedient which promised them the power of continuing
their labours, determined to make the proposed experiment. There
was reason to believe that the steel arms of the lifting tool were con-
siderably expanded and in contact on each side with the tubing,
it was therefore desirable that the powder should be lodged within the
arms, so that they at least might be broken in pieces by the first ex-
plosion. With this view a strong tin case, carefully soldered and
terminating in a pointed extremity, was prepared for the reception of
about 15 tbs of powder, but preparatory to charging it for explosion it
was filled with dry sand, firmly plugged up, covered with water-proof
composition, and lowered to the bottom of the bore. On raising it

684 Boring Operations in Fort William. [No. 103.

again, the original cylindrical case was found to have been compressed
by the water, into the shape of an octagon, acute ridges, about \ of an
inch in height, alternating with the flattened sides (sketch No. V.)
The pressure had ruptured the tin at the edge of the top of the case,
and the sand was saturated with the water. A double case was then
constructed, having interior cross pieces to strengthen it, but a similar
result to the preceding followed the lowering of this, and for it also the
pressure (upwards of 5,000 lbs.) was found too great. A cylinder of
wrought iron was then prepared, and on sending it down the bore it
was found so far capable of resisting the pressure of the water as to
retain its shape, but the sand was still damped. Since however the
water had only partially wetted the sand, it seemed probable that ad-
ditional care in soldering and in applying the water-proof covering
might exclude it altogether, and accordingly it was determined to make
the first attempt with this wrought iron case.

The depth of water being about 465 feet, the galvanic battery
was of course the only igniting agent which could be employed ;
and the following are the details of the arrangements adopted. A
wooden plug was turned somewhat larger at one extremity than
the collar of the cylinder into which it was subsequently to be driven.
On opposite sides of this plug, grooves were prepared for the re-
ception of the interior conducting wires. Considerable difficulty was
experienced in making the grooves perfectly impervious to water
under great pressure, in consequence of the wires being twisted, but
ultimately the following means were employed with entire success.
The grooves were first filled with fine Europe sealing wax, and the
wires being previously made very hot, were forced into and completely
imbedded themselves in it. Subsequently a red-hot iron was held
near the wax of each groove, till it boiled freely, and a strip of wood
was then forced in over the wire so as effectually to close every
aperture. The interior extremities of the wires were as usual
connected by a short piece of thin platinum, in contact with which
a cartridge of dry fine powder was placed. The main conducting
wires were one-sixth of an inch in diameter, and their entire length was
nearly 1003 feet. As the bore was lined to the bottom with iron
tubing, it appeared essential to insulate the conductors as perfectly
as possible, and each wire was accordingly first cased in hempen

N?. Ill

- arm^ anxl Teethed Rod J,hftt,n^
Tool ^<5y %ai«iM ThOT^z^on.)

N?IV

N?V

X

1840.] Boring Operations in Fort William. 685

strands, over which a thick coating of pitch and grease was applied,
and then the two wires were lashed together by similar strands,
and again covered with pitch and tallow. A single rope, about
an inch in diameter, was thus formed, and on immersing the whole
in water, its action was tested, and a battery of twelve indifferent
plates sufficed to effect the ignition of powder.

On the charge being placed in the cylinder, and the platinum
wire protected by means of a small tin priming tube, the plug was
driven into the collar. Over it, and for the purpose of preventing the
water forcing its way through the wood, a tin cap, having two holes
for the conducting wires to pass through, was carefully driven down
and soldered. In order to prevent this cap establishing a metallic
communication between the wires, and thus preventing the passage
of the galvanic fluid to the platinum wire, the diameter of the aper-
tures for the wires was made considerably larger than that of the
wires themselves, and the top of the plug covered with sealing wax.
The application of a red hot iron melted the sealing wax, and on the
cap being driven down it rose through the apertures and formed an
insulating collar round each wire. These arrangements being com-
plete, and the battery of 24 cells, 14 inches X 14 inches, in action, the
main conductors were connected to those of the cylinder, and the
insulating covering continued over the junction, when the cylinder
was lowered to the bottom of the bore. On its reaching this, the
circuit was completed, but no explosion followed, and on examination
it was found that from the smallness of the priming tube the plati-
num wire had come in contact with the metal, by which of course
its ignition was prevented. It was also found that though the
priming powder was dry, the water had reached the main charge, and
completely spoiled it. Further precautions being taken, several at-
tempts were made, but all with the same result, and it became evident
that the wrought iron case could not be rendered water-tight. Re-
course was then had to casting a cylinder of iron half an inch thick
throughout, and on trial this was found to be perfectly capable of
resisting the pressure of the water, and preserving the charge dry.
The first attempt with this failed from some unascertained cause, and
as it was thought possible that some portion of the conductor might
have come in contact with the iron tubing, an additional covering of
lashings, witli pitch and grease, was applied for a second attempt.

4s

686 Boring Operations in Fort William. [No. 103.

This also failed, and unfortunately in raising the cylinder, to endea-
vour to discover the cause of failure, the lifting rope gave way, and it
became necessary to haul on the conductor. This had been done
once or twice before, without any bad effects, but on this occasion the
junction of the wires at the collar of the cylinder was not sufficiently
strong to bear the weight, and the case after being raised for some
distance dropped back to the bottom of the bore. All hopes of benefit
from this expedient being thus summarily disappointed, it only re-
mains to be stated, that the operations of the Committee were finally
closed on the 20th of April, 1840.

Throughout the course of the preceding narrative, all reference
to the geological information the labours of the Committee have been
instrumental in eliciting, has been avoided, from a desire to render the
mechanical details as continuous as possible, but as few such oppor-
tunities as the present have ever been given for observing the struc-
ture of alluvial Deltas, a condensed summary of the various points
of interest to the geologist is now appended.

After penetrating through the surface soil to a depth of about
ten feet, a stratum of stiff blue clay, fifteen feet in thickness, was met
with. Underlaying this was a light coloured sandy clay, which
became gradually darker in colour from the admixture of vegetable
matter, till it passed into a bed of peat, at a distance of about eighty
feet from the surface. Beds of clay and variegated sand, intermixed
with kunkur, mica, and small pebbles, alternated to a depth of
120 feet, when the sand became loose, and almost semifluid in its
texture. At 152 feet the quicksand became darker in colour and
coarser in grain, intermixed with red water- worn nodules of hydra-
ted oxide of iron, resembling to a certain extent the laterite of South
India. At 159 feet a stiff clay with yellow veins occurred, altering
at 163 feet remarkably in colour and substance, and becoming dark,
friable, and apparently containing much vegetable and ferruginous
matter. A fine sand succeeded at 170 feet, and this gradually be-
came coarser and mixed with fragments of quartz and felspar to a
depth of 180 feet. At 196 feet, clay impregnated with iron was passed
through, and at 221 feet, sand recurred, containing fragments of lime-
stone with nodules of kunkur and pieces of quartz and felspar ; the
same stratum continued to 340 feet, and at 350 feet a fossil bone,
conjectured to be the humerus of a dog, was extracted. At 360 feet a

1840.] Boring Operations in Fort William, 687

piece of supposed tortoise shell was found, and subsequently several
pieces of the same substance were obtained. At 372 feet another
fossil bone was discovered, but it could not be identified, from its be-
ing torn and broken by the borer. At 392 feet a few pieces of fine
coal, such as are found in the beds of mountain streams, with some
fragments of decayed wood, were picked out of the sand, and at 400
feet a piece of limestone was brought up. From 400 to 481 feet fine
sand, like that of a sea-shore intermixed largely with shingle, composed
of fragments, of primary rocks, quartz, felspar, mica, slate, limestone,
prevailed, and in this stratum the bore has been terminated.

In conclusion, the Committee have much pleasure in acknowledg-
ing the valuable aid derived by them on many occasions of diffi-
culty from the advice and ingenuity of Captain J. Thomson of En-
gineers] and they desire also to express their entire approval of the
zeal and intelligence uniformly displayed by Sergeant Thomas Long-
hurst of Sappers and Miners, during the whole time he was in charge
of the details of the boring operations.

D. McLeod Col. and Presdt.
Fort William, A. Irvine, Major.

Chief Engineer's Office, F. P. Strong.

May I5th, 1840. W. R. Fitzgerald.

P.S. — Since the above Report has been signed by the Members,
I have recollected a most unintentional omission, for which I am
entirely responsible, and which I am therefore desirous of supplying.

It is due to Lieutenant Richard Baird Smith of Engineers, to state
that he has not only taken a great interest in all our proceedings,
but has rendered great assistance in carrying them on during the
most difficult period of the operations, since he has resided in Fort
William ; moreover, the employment of the Galvanic Battery to blow
up the lower portion of the tubing, &c. was suggested to the Committee
by him, and the apparatus applied in that process, as above described,
was entirely on his design. I may add, that his intelligence and
knowledge of the subject, enabled him to give essential aid in arrang-
ing the materials for the above Report,

D. McLeod, Colonel,

Chief Engineer.

688

Report on a line of Levels taken by order of the Right Honorable the

Governor General^ between the Jumna and Sutlij rivers. JBy Lieut.

W. E. Baker, Superintendent of Canals West of the Jumna.

The subject of inquiry proposed, having been to ascertain the practi-
Preliminary Observations, cability of establishing a water communication
for the passage of boats between the Jamna and the Sutlij ; I consi-
dered that the best preliminary measure would be to take a cross section,
fixing at certain points the relative levels of those rivers and of the in-
termediate hill torrents, and the greatest height attained by the inter-
vening ridges.

The line (viz., one between Kurnaul and Loodiana) which I selected
Selection of a line, for this section, was recommended by the follow-
ing considerations : —

1st. It connects the highest points of both rivers to which boats of
considerable burthen habitually resort.

2nd. It lies in a South-east and North-west direction, parallel to
that of the Sub- Himalayas, and consequently perpendicular to the
general lines of drainage.

3rd. It crosses each of the considerable mountain torrents before
its junction with the Cuggur; and, lastly, its length was well suited to
the time (about three weeks) to which, having no Assistant, I was
obliged to limit my absence from the canals under my charge.

Having no accurate map of the country, I had merely a general idea
Irregularities and ine- ^^ ^^^ direction from Kurnaul in which I should
qualities accounted for. g^^jj^g Loodiana, which will account for the devia-
tions from a straight course observable in the accompanying map. My
object being to note the general features of the country, I took no pains
to avoid merely local inequalities, and my Section therefore exhibits
much greater irregularities of surface than it need have done, had I had
leisure previously to examine the ground ahead of my levelling instru-
ment. The hollow in the neighbourhood of Puttiala, for instance, might
have been in a great measure avoided by a more northerly course.

The information thus obtained is necessarily incomplete, and though
Nature of the informa- ^^ ^^^ ^^ "^y opinion proved the practicability of

tion required. ^^ contemplated measure, it has not furnished

data for u detailed project, and still less for an estimate of the probable

SKKl.ETONAJ APand f'ROFILE ofn JAne levelled between the JI.*>rXA and SUTLE J in Fetruarv l.HJ'O.

^u.--

i III

rwmiw

Th^Sl^n,jrSlachU«,,Sh,utl,, L,..,ls cf a,pc/..U. .li[l.ui,t,.Ca,L.lf,rli^^.ig,,l.o,. i'^'"'-"''^^' ,^^a,b c.do ^f, l,,„ „*..'». «. UaU,- /...,. Ik, DclUi Canal ^^Udrie. yri^ r,.l.,.l J„,M, /..,„, r,,..;...,Uli:i, ^

If''^' -^^

^Uii

'■T|

I H I - p-riT

-1. jwtiqtt^

t ' -HI'

n-o, :.■-

1840.] Levels between the Jumna and Sutlij. 689

cost of the undertaking ; such as it is, however, I have judged expedient

Why now submitted, to communicate it at once, both as a report of
progress, and to enable Government to decide whether or not it be ad-
visable to prosecute the inquiry further.

The cost of the present survey amounts, as per contingent bill.
Cost of the survey, submitted to the Military Board, to Company's
rupees 74 : 9 : 0.

In the accompanying Skeleton map and section, I have endeavoured
Reference to the Map ^^ condense most of the information obtained, and
an ec ion. ^^ show at one glance the result of my inquiry.

In this it will be seen, that from the level of the Jumna to the town of
Pahul, near which the greatest elevation (67 feet, 1 1 inches, 25) is at-
tained, there is a general rise, partially interrupted by the beds of in-
tervening rivers, which may be thus particularized : —

The Chittung — an inconsiderable nulla, has no defined valley. Of
The Chittung river, its surplus waters, spreading out during the rainy
season, right and left over the country, but little returns into its
contracted channel ; and of late years, no considerable flood has reached
even as far as Dhatrut, in the Jheend territory, from whence to Buhadera,
in the Bikuneer State, the ancient bed of this river is occupied by the
Canal of Feroze Shah.

From the ridge dividing the Chittung and the Sursootee, there is a

considerable descent to the bed of the latter river,

The Valley of the , . , , , . . , i i • . ,

Sursootee, the Markun- which may almost be said to have already joined

da,^and the Cuggur ri. ^^^ Markunda and the Cuggur at the point

where I crossed them. From near Thanesur to

Konaheree, the whole tract of country (with the exception of village

sites) is liable to inundation from the Sub- Himalayan torrents, diffused

Their peculiar charac ^ver its surface by means of a net-work of natural

*®^- and artificial water-courses, of which some are

supplied from more than one of the rivers above named ; others, again,

flow from one river into another, and during great floods (as I was

given to understand) all three are frequently united. The inhabitants

avail themselves largely of the inundation for rice cultivation, though

Their use for irriga- ^^^ring the present season at least, little advantage

tio"- appeared to have been taken of the facilities

afforded for irrigating Rubbee crops, which, where they existed, were

690 Levels between the Jumna and SutliJ. [No. 103.

generally watered from Wells. I had not leisure to ascertain, by personal
examination, whether the first diffusion of these rivers (which I have

Their diffusion ac- J^jself seen nearer the hills in single and separate
counted for. streams) were caused by natural or artificial means,

but it is probably attributable to both. The slope and evenness of the
country, are calculated to favor even the rudest attempts to divert the
streams from their original beds, and the same circumstances would also
render it easy, were it desirable, to confine them again to one or two
principal channels. What I have designated as the '^main branches" of
the Markunda and Cuggur, are distinguished from the others, not so
much by their superior size, as by the presence of a small thread of
running water.

The valley of the Sursootee, Markunda, and Cuggur, such as I have de-
Their importance as scribed it, though extending to a width of twenty-
an obstacle to the Canal, ^^^q miles, would present no insurmountable ob-
stacle to the formation of a navigable Canal across it, though the ex-
pense attendant on the provision of the necessary embankments and
aqueducts, would be considerable. And on this account, as well as for
other reasons, to be noted hereafter, a more advantageous line for the
Canal would probably be found further to the south-west, below the
town of Sumana.

The river which flows past Puttiala, has a different character from
The Puttiala or Kosil- ^^^ preceding. Its channel at the point where I
la river. crossed it, is so deep, that I could not have sup-

posed its waters would ever be capable of spreading out over the
country, had not the construction of an embankment between the stream
and the city (said to be for the protection of the walls), proved that it is
sometimes liable to overtop its banks. At this point, in consequence of
its deep narrow section, it would be easily crossed by a short aqueduct.

Immediately beyond the city of Puttiala, I encountered several ridges

of sand, which would most likely be avoidable on another line, but if

Sand ridges. not, it would merely be necessary to puddle the

Canal bed throughout their extent, to prevent heavy loss of water by

absorption.

The Sirhind Nulla, which I crossed about sixteen miles beyond

Puttiala, flows in one or more channels through
TheSiihind Nulla. „ ^^^ ^,^^^ , . . , , . . ,

a valley 500 or 600 yards in width, having but a

1840.] Levels between the Jumna and Sutlif, 691

Its character and uses for s^ig^* depression below the adjoining country. Its
irrigation. flood waters could, with very little labour and

skill, be let out by side cuts to inundate the lands lying on its east bank,
and I therefore conclude that such a practice is adopted, as the natives
of this province are fully aware of the value of that peculiar system of
irrigation, which consists in flooding the land once a year.

From the West bank of the Sirhind Nulla to a few miles beyond

Sand ridges. Pahul, the land is generally level, but intersected

by a few sand hills, one of which, between the villages of Bishnpoor

and Kuddoo, may be considered the crest of the ridge, dividing the

Jumna from the Sutlij.

From Doorai-ki- Serai westward, the descent is rapid, and the fall
Descent to the Sutlij. appears to be broken in a remarkable manner into
steps, ending in an abrupt cliff of 30 feet, on the western continuation
of which stands the fort and town of Loodiana. At some former period
this cliff* was evidently the eastern boundary of the Sutlij, and even yet,
as I am given to understand, the waters of that river when swelled by
the monsoon floods, frequently reach its base.

The remaining tract of seven and a quarter miles, intersected by
Valley of the Sutlij. branches of the Sutlij, is proved by its loose sandy
soil, as well as by its topographical position, to be an alluvial deposit of
the river; and were the canal to join the Sutlij at this point, it would be
more advisable to deepen the Nulla which flows under the Fort, than to
make a new excavation through such unfavorable soil.

As my commission did not include an examination of the Sutlij, I
Capabilities for navio-a- ^^y perhaps not be expected to offer an opinion

tion near Loodiana. ^^ ^^^ navigable Capabilities ; but I may be permit-
ted to remark, en passant, that the stream near Loodiana appears to have
two characteristics decidedly unfavorable to navigation ; viz. a sandy
Shifting sands. bed, and a considerable fall ; a combination of cir-

cumstances which cannot fail to produce shifting and uncertain shoals.

With a view of ascertaining the level of springs along the line of my
Depth of wells through- section, I measured the depth of 156 wells be-
out the line, tween Kurnaul and Loodiana, and the average
result is shewn in the profile by blue dotted lines. In this I had two
objects ; first to ascertain whether, as some suppose, measurements of the
level of springs would give data for an approximate calculation of the

692 Levels between the Jumna and Sutlij. [No. 103.

profile of a country ; and, secondly, to obtain one element for calculating
the amount of absorption in a standing canal, for which it would be
No sure index of super- necessary to provide a daily compensation. In

ficial inequalities. ^^^ former respect my present observations, as

well as those made with the same view in other localities, shew that
the level of springs is too much affected by the vicinity of streams, the
degree of permeability of soils, and other local circumstances, to admit
of any accurate conclusion being drawn from them, regarding the
profile of the surface. But with reference to the second object of
Effect on the amount of ™y inquiry? i* is satisfactory to find that the wells
absorption. measured, have generally so little depth, as the

waste by absorption in the contemplated canal, will be relatively much
less. In illustration of this point I may mention, that in the Paneeput
district, where before the introduction of the Delhi canal the springs
were from thirty to forty feet below the surface, they are now from
fifteen to thirty feet ; whereas in Hurriana the springs have been raised
since Feroze's canal was opened, in some instances, as much as sixty
feet.

On the accompanying profile I have sketched out what I consider to

Practicability of the be a possible section of a still water canal, from
measure illustrated by . , . , . i /. , . , , t» i i i

a possible Section. the highest level of which, between rahul and

Doorai-ki- Serai, the westward descent of sixty-three feet to the level of
the Sutlij, is made by means of seven locks ; while to the eastward a
descent of thirty and a half feet to the valley of the Markunda and Sur-
sootee, is effected in five locks, after which a partial rise of six and a
half feet is necessary to cross the ridge separating these rivers from the
Chittung, followed by a descent of thirty-eight feet, by four locks to the
level of the Jumna. Water sufficient for the westward lockage, as well
as to compensate for waste by absorption and evaporation, could be
Water for lockao^e and supplied at the highest level by a cut taken from
wastage, how obtained, ^^e Sutlij, at the point where it debouches from
the lower hills, and conducted along the crest of the ridge ; and on the
eastern extremity of the canal, we might obtain water for the same pur-

The possible Section poses by a water-course from the Delhi canal above
not recommended as an ,. , t i . i • . .1 • • . t i 1

advisable one. Indree. In sketching out this project, I would

be clearly understood not to recommend it as an advisable one. The

number of masonry aqueducts required here, the necessity for which

1840.] Levels between the Jumna and Sutlij, 693

Its object, would be obviated by a more southerly course, would
alone point out the latter as preferable ; but if it can be shewn that
the scheme is feasible on a line taken at random, the probable exist-
ence of one decidedly favorable, will readily be admitted.

Whether the construction of such a work would be eventually as
Utility of the measure beneficial to the country as it appears practicable
en?e'toThl futoe "£!'£ ^s an engineering operation, the Government are
ofthe Upper Provinces, doubtless in possession of better information to
guide their judgment, than any which I could afford them. At the
present time it might facilitate the transport of military stores required
for warlike operations westward of the Sutlij, but this inducement
will fail whenever Magazines may be formed on the banks of the Indus,
and their contents transported by water from Bombay. As regards the
public interest, however, the case is different, attention being now so
universally attracted towards the shorter communications with Europe,
whether by the Mesopotamian route or that of the Red Sea, it cannot
be supposed that the use of these means will long be restricted to
the conveyance of mails ; the more valuable description of merchandise
will soon follow, and shipments for Europe will be made from some
port to be established near the mouths of the Indus. The North-
western provinces of India will abandon the present circuitous route
by Calcutta, and send their exports by the more direct one of the Indus,
and the deserts bordering the east banks of that river, which will then
be the only obstruction, may be turned by the contemplated canal.

Though fully aware of the more than apathy which exists in this
Its obvious advantages, country towards any thing involving a change of
established usage, and but little acquainted with the nature and amount
of produce exchanged between the several provinces of India, yet
I I can scarce suppose that the community would not avail themselves
of the facilities for the circulation of trade, which would be afforded by
a communication between two such rivers as the Ganges and the Indus,
embracing such an extent of fertile country, and entering the sea at
such distant points.

If it be urged that the construction of a canal would be premature

A plausible obi ec- before the full establishment of the trade which

tion answered. js ^^ gj^g j^ employment, I would reply, that the

formation, or at least the certain prospect of a canal, would be one

4 T

694 Levels between the Jumna and Sutlij. [No. 103.

great inducement to the establishment of trade. No merchant, for

instance, would bring European stores to Ferozepore for supplying the

stations of Kurnaul, Meerut^ and Dehli, with a prospect of 200 or 300

miles of land carriage, rendered peculiarly difficult by the nature of the

country, and the scarcity of all means of transport.

Should Government decide on the further prosecution of this

A new line recommend- inquiry, I beg to recommend for examination the
ed for future examina- ,..,,,., ^ ^ i i

tion. lines tmted blue m the annexed sketch map ; that

marked a. b. c. is calculated to cross the Cuggur below the junction of

its tributaries, and to avoid a spur of high land, which I am led to

believe, crosses the direct road from Kurnaul to Ferozepore. The

line d. b. would be that of the supply channel from the Sutlij.

In conclusion, I beg to state that the field book and original protrac-

Field book and orgi- tions of my survey and levels, on a scale of one
nal protractions avail- ., it i/.^-.

able. mile to an inch, are at the disposal of Govern-

ment for any purpose.

Memoir on the Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan^.—By Lieut.

TiCKELL.

Colonies of people speaking the same, or nearly the same dialect
as the Hos, or Lurka-koles of Singbhoom, but of whose customs and
history we are ignorant, may be traced from the jungles of Ramgurh
(near Hazareebaugh) to the south and southward along Moherbunj,
Keonjur, Gangpoor, down to the confines of Buna Nagpoor, where
they are distinguished from the Gonds (in Gondwana) by the name
of " Kirkees.'* Those colonies described to me by Gonds are insulated,
semi-barbarous, and confined to the wildest parts of that country.
The country lying north and north-east of Gondwana, and west of
Gangpoor, and south of Surgoojia, are in all probability inhabited by
the main stock, from whence these small settlements have wandered.
These regions have never been explored, and are wrapped in the
greatest obscurity. We only know that they are traversed by large
streams. The Koil, the Hutsoo, the east and west Shunk, and the
Brahminee, which flow into the sea, north-east of Kuttuck, or join

1840.] The Hodesum (improperly called KolehanJ. 695

the Mohanuddee. The Shunk is said to be navigable above Gangpoor
for tolerably large boats, and may therefore be presumed to become
a considerable river in its passage to the southward ; watered by such
fine streams, it is difficult to imagine the whole of those regions, to
be mere wastes of jungle, which would not repay the trouble of
exploring them. But they must ever remain unknown, so long as
the inhabitants retain their primitive habits, and aversion to visiting
other countries, and until more enterprising people than the timid
Hindoos, settle in their vicinity.

These remarks, vague as they are, may serve to define the limits
of this wild and aboriginal race ; for beyond the precincts thus roughly
sketched, I am unaware of their language extending. It must be
remembered that the inhabitants of Chota Nagpoor, although indis-
criminately called Koles, are a totally distinct race, having different
languages, manners, and origin. These latter, properly named " Oradus,"
were the first known inhabitants of Roidas (Rotas) and parts of
Reewa. Their sudden transmigration across the Soane, and which is
ascribed by them to inroads of Hindoos from the vicinity of the
Ganges, may be attributed to the expulsion of the latter by their
Moohomedan conquerors, but at what precise epoch, it is difficult to
determine.

It is these Oradus who first give us accounts of a people called
Moondas, whom they found in possession of Chootia* Nagpoor at the
time of their flight into it. They state them to have been a wild
people, living chiefly by hunting, and who offered no opposition to
the Oradus settling in the fine open tracts to the northward of Sone-
poor, and cultivating lands of which they themselves scarcely knew
the value. Being a peaceable, industrious race, the Oradus gave no
umbrage to their hosts, and very shortly after, the entire residue
of the immigrants, who had for a time taken refuge in the uninviting
jungles of Palamoo and Burhwe, passed over into Chota Nagpoor,
where they remained in great harmony together, until the Hindoos
came spreading further in, and attracted by the beauty and fertility
of the country, by degrees made themselves masters of the soil, A
Bramin from Benares, imposed upon the credulous Oradus, by

* Misnamed "Chota."

696 The Hodesum (improptrly called Kolehan). [No. 103.

trumping up a story about a child, which had been discovered on the
banks of a tank at the town of Pittooreea, guarded and shaded
from the sun by a Covra, or Nag, and which he presented to them
as their king. This is the present reputed origin of the '' Nagbun-
sees/' who to this day are the Rajas of the country ; the Raj Gadee,
or Paietukht, was first at Chootia, a town about ten milse south of
Pittooreea, from whence the name of the country, " Chootia Nagpoor."
What it was called by the Moondas before this event, is not known.
As the Hindoos spread and prevailed, the effect of their tyranny and
extortions was to reduce the Oradus into complete slavery, and drive
the Moondas into open revolt. After a long struggle, the latter were
compelled to confine themselves to the jungles of Sonepoor to the
south, and the wooded slip of land which to the east raises Chota
Nagpoor Proper above the rest of Central India. Wandering south-east-
ward, many settled themselves in the wild hilly tracts, now known as
Koehang, and in the immense jungles and mountains to the south
and west of the present village of Porahaut. Numbers passed over
into the low country, east of Nagpoor, now comprised in the zemin-
darees of Rahe Boondoo and Tamar, subservient to Chota Nagpoor,
where mixing with the lowest classes of Bhoornijes and Bhooians,
(supposed aborigines of Bengal) they merged into a mongrel race,
known as ^' Tamarias;" and a great proportion traversing the hills and
forests of Koehang, passed out eastward, into the open tract now call-
ed Singbhoom and the Kolehan.

The last are the subjects of the present memoir.
It appears that the Moondas, or as they now call themselves, the
Hos, found Singbhoom on their arrival to be peopled by Bhooians,
an inoffensive, simple race, but rich in cattle, and industrious cul-
tivators, who first allowed them to form settlements in the neighbour-
ing woods, and afterwards permitted them to reside in the central
open tracts. Here they remained together for some time, when the
country appears to have passed into the hands of " Surawuks,'* a race
of Bengalee Bramins, now almost extinct, but then numerous and
opulent, whose original country is said to be Sikrbhoom and Pachete.
Their arrival produced a repetition of the scenes which had forced the
Moondas, or Hos, from Chota Nagpoor. But in the latter instance,
the oppressions of the Surawuks ended in their total expulsion from the

1840.] The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan) , 697

Kolehan— in what direction is wholly unknown, though it may be
conjectured they retraced their steps, for the name of Surawuk, is now
unJknown except in Tamar and Pachete, and then only used by the
jungle people occasionally in speaking of Bengalees.

The Kolehan continued after this much in its pristine state, and
only known to others by its lying in the route of hosts of pilgrims
from Patna and Benares, &c. to Juggernath. The lands, broad and
fair, excited the cupidity of many of these travellers, but their dread
of the Hos deterred all thoughts of settling, until a party bolder than
the rest, journeying from Marwar, took up their residence as guests at
the house of a Bhooian Mahapattor, or Zemindar, where they re-
mained on various pretexts, astonished the Bhooians with a display
of their riches, superior knowledge, and by descriptions of their
country ; and ended by reproving them for living on terms of equality
with a people who were Mlechis, or unbelievers, and as fugitives from
another country, should be considered as subservient to them. The
Bhooians desirous of having their own Raja, and emulating their
councillors, entered into a league with the Marwarees, who procured
a number of their countrymen to assist in establishing the supremacy
of the Bhooians. In this they were totally unsuccessful, and the result
of a long struggle, the details of which are handed down disguised
with much fable in the traditions of the Ooria Bramins of the coun-
try, ended with the total discomfiture of the Bhooians, and the coalition
of the Marwarees with the Hos. The former established themselves in
Porahaut and the rich open plains to the northward, now called
Singbhoom ; the Hos withdrawing from this part occupied the re-
maining tract of open land, whose limits, described hereafter, constitute
the Hodesum, or Kolehan of the Hindoos.

Up to this epoch no dates can be obtained, as the narrators of the
above events, Oradus and Hos, keep no account whatever of time.
But from the introduction of the Marwaree Singbhunsees, and other
Rajpoots who came to settle with them, a regular chronological history
has been preserved in the Madela, or records of the Porahaut family ;
unfortunately I am now unable to apply to these for any information
on these points.

It appears that these settlers electing a chief, whom they styled
' Raja,' and took up their abode for five or six generations at Porahaut,

698 The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 103.

after which a general, division was made of the rest of the country the
Bhooians had retired to, among the Hissadars or brethren of the Raja;
the eldest brother took Anundpoor (or Sumijgurh) ; the second,
Seryekela ; and the youngest, Kera. The Raja also gave as pykallee, or
service tenures to some of his subordinates, the Talooks of Bundgaon,
Khursawa, Koryekela, and Chynpoor j of these Khursawa has become
in a manner hereditary and independent.

In process of time the brothers managed to get into quarrels
with neighbouring Zemindars ; the Gangpoor walla (of Keonjur) and
the Baboo of Anundpoor recriminated each other, about mutual
depredations committed (by their orders) in their dominions, by the
Koles; the Porahaut Raja's pykes harried Sonepoor; the Kera Baboo
plundered Tamar and Chota Nagpoor ; and the Koonwr of Seryekela
and Raja of Mohurbunj found a bone of contention in the little but
fertile tuppah of Koochoong, before alluded to.

In these contentions the services of the Hos were brought into
requisition; promises of booty lured them into becoming stedfast allies
of those chiefs who had won them over, and thus incited, they com-
menced a series of depredations on the surrounding country, which
soon brought them into note. In return for the plunder which they
acquired, they were induced to pay rent in the shape of occasional
salamees, in different taxes, or " Russoomat," at periods of Hindoo
festivals, &c. and the Kolehan was divided into Peers or Pergunnahs,
twenty-four in number; of these the Moherbunj Raja through his
Dewan at Baumenghattee secured four, viz. Aulapeer, Burburriapeer,
Toepeer, and Lalgurh, placing a Zemindar or Mahapattor in the latter.
The Singbhoom Raja, together with the younger branches of his house,
allied themselves with the remainder, and this order of things con-
tinued until 1831-32, when the Mahapattor of Lalgurh, disgusted with
the exactions of the Moherbunj Raja, broke out into open rebellion,
which led to a series of such contentions and outrages (especially
as the Raja's emissaries artfully induced the ignorant Koles of the
Mahapattor to plunder our territories of the Jungle Mehals, and
incommode our communications to the westward, by cutting of
the daks) that Government was at length obliged to interfere, and
in 1836-37 effectual measures were taken to prevent disturbances
of the kind, by taking the Hos under our immediate control, and

1840.] The Hodesum (improperly called KolehanJ. 699

withdrawing them from all allegiance to the Rajas of Moherbunj and
Singbhoom.

Singbhoom, including the Kolehan, lies between 21° 30' and 23°
north latitude, and 85° and 86° east longitude ; it is bounded to the
north by Chota Nagpoor and Patkoom ; to the east by the Jungle
Mehals and Baumunghatte ; to the south by petty states, or tuppahs,
subservient to Moherbunj, and by Keonjur ; and to the east by
Gangpoor and Chota Nagpoor. These limits comprise a fine open
tract of country, in most parts exceedingly productive, in others stony
and barren, and separated from the circumjacent countries, above
enumerated, by rocky hills and jungles. Singbhoom Proper consists
of an extent of fine open arable land, to the north of the Kolehan,
above 45 miles east and west, and about 18 in breadth, comprising
the talooks of Khursawa, Kera, and Seryekela, also a portion of
similar land, about 20 miles square, to the north-east, called Koo-
choong, attached to Seryekela, and along the west of the Kolehan, an
imperfectly defined extent of mountains and jungles, including Pora-
haut and Anundpoor.

The Kolehan as now constituted, comprehends a tract of open un-
dulating country, averaging from sixty miles in length north and
south, from thirty-five to sixty in breadth. It is divided into two
departments by a step about 500 feet high, running east and west
across it. The southern part is rich in soil, and beautiful in appear-
ance ; but an absence of inhabitants, and proper culture, gives it an air
of desolation. This happily is becoming fast remedied by the return
of large families of Bhooians, former inhabitants, who had been ex-
pelled by the Hos. The lower country north of the step is exceeding-
ly populous, but in many parts stoney and barren. The westerly
Peers are situated among hills and vast jungles, containing a few
fertile vallies ; and Sarnda in the far south, is one mass of mountains,
clothed in forests, where the miserable inhabitants, few and solitary,
can scarce struggle for mastery with the tiger.

The Peers are twenty-six in number, Anjoodhia, Assuntullia, Aula,
Burkela, Burburria or Birwarpeer, Burpeer or Jyntpeeree, Cherye,
Chynpoor, Goomwa, Govindpoor, Gopinathpoor, Jamda, Kai'nawa,
Kooilda, Kotegurh, Lota, Natooa, Lalgurh, Purliong, Rajabapa,
Oonchdee, Rengra, Rela, Sath Buntria, Toe, and Sarnda.

700 The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan) . [No. 103.

I unfortunately neglected taking any census of the people, while
assessing them, and when I had an easy opportunity of so doing. But
the uniformity and simplicity of their mode of living, enables a
rough estimate to be formed of their numbers, from the amount of the
annual rack rent, which by way of Malgoozaree, has been levied on
them, and the calculation I should think would be found on closer
inquiry to be pretty near the truth.

The amount of Malgoozaree for 1838-39 was in round numbers
Go's. Rs. 6,500 at 0/8 per plough, =13,000 ploughs or men

of these at least |ths are married, =11,375 women.

Average of 3 children to each family, =33,825 children,
Aged people, mendicants, orphans, &c. -^th. =2,166

60,366

G wallas, Taunties, Lobars, & other castes, '^th=2,l 66
Wives of these f ths, 1,624

Children 3 to each family, 4,872

8,662

Ploughs concealed at assessment about Jth, 1,625

Total population, =70,653
The whole of this country is traversed by numerous streams of
great beauty, but useless as water carriage, being almost dry in the
hot weather, and rapid torrents in the rains. The Surtjye separating
the Kolehan from Singbhoom, rises to the north-west of Porahaut,
and enters the Kurkye, near the junction of that river with the
Soobum-rekha ; the Roro, twelve miles south of the former, a narrow,
but deep and swift stream, and the Eeleegarra and Toorul still fur-
ther south, take a like course above the step ; the Des Nye runs west-
ward, and falls into the Kolekaro, near its confluence with the Koil ;
and near the southern limits of the Kolehan, the different streams
take a south and west direction, falling into the Bhundun and
By turnee, which last, running through vast and'lonely forests, separates
the Kolehan from Jushpoor and Rorwan, in Moherbunj, and Kalka-
pershaud in Keonjur. There are two water- falls on the borders of
the Kolehan, which I have never visited, but which, by the descrip-
tion of the natives, must be well worth seeing. The Bunnye, running
between Sonepoor and Singbhoom, is said to roll its waters into a

1840.] The Hodesum (improperly called KolehanJ . 701

profound cave, from which spot it pursues its course underground, and
is supposed to join the Kole Karo. The fall is called Paraa-ghag,
and is a tirutli, but so remote from habitation, and buried in such
deep woods, as to be seldom visited, except by the Sonepoor Koles, and
Bhooians of Porahaut and Bundgaon. On the confines of Baumun-
ghattee also, is a singular cascade, described to me as a single thread
of water pouring down a walllike precipice of 2 or 300 feet in height.
It is called by the Baumunghattee Oorias, Muchkandnee Jhurna ;
and by the Koles, Hakoo-y^mdah, meaning in either language,
" The fall of the weeping fish," from some whimsical story of the
fish complaining of the impossibility of scaling the cataract, to emerge
from the dreary abyss, through which the stream winds below. The
peculiar distribution of the hills in this country, running in parallel
ranges, precludes the formation of lakes, which are unknown.

These ranges are not of very great height, the loftiest, which are
in Saruda, not appearing above 1000 feet above the plain. They
are however intersected in parts by profound vallies, which give
the hills, from that side, an appearance of great magnitude. They are
chiefly quartz, in all stages of decomposition, permeated by limestone
rocks ; smaller detached ranges issuing at right angles to these, are
commonly of micacious slate. From Chyebassa, proceeding easterly into
Koochoong, are low ridges perfectly parallel, about half a mile to a mile
apart, gradually increasing in height till the series is closed by the
Choivria hills in Koochoong. They are composed of loose rocks,
resembling (if they are not) clink stone ; but the larger ridges are of
coarse granite. The northern part of the Kolehan consists in a great
measure of sterile plains, scattered with quartz boulders, stones, and
pebbles, some crystalized. The beds of the nullahs are a shingle com-
posed of jasper (of all hues) green stone, quartz pebbles, and flint. The
bed of the Byturnee is lined with flattened pebbles and lumps of
jasper, of bright yellow, red, purple, and black, disposed in parallel
streaks, or ribbands, as if artificially inlaid. The corundum is found
in great quantities at Juggernathpoor on the upper step of the Kolehan,
and several nullahs run through beds of argillaceous earth, from the
brightest scarlet to pure white, which are highly in request among
the natives. The whole of these streams wash down more or less
! gold, but the Koles know not how to collect it. In Singbhoom a

4u'

702 The Hodesum (improperly called KolehanJ, [No. 103.

tolerable quantity is gathered by Hindoos, but of a third or fourth
rate quality, also excellent iron ; of coal I never found any traces.

The open parts of the Kolehan are here and there scattered with a
scrub jungle, composed chiefly of the Polass and Assun, on which
latter the tusser silk worms are bred. The southern parts, where not
cultivated, are covered by extensive plains of grass, interspersed with
bushes ; entirely along the west boundary, are forests of saul trees,
small and meagre on the hills, but reaching in the low rich vallies to
a size perfectly prodigious. In Anundpoor, towards Gangpoor, are
tracts covered entirely with the wild plantain, and many of the
hills are clothed densely with bamboos. In marshy spots a strong
serviceable species of cane or ratan is found. The wild mangoe tree
is also very common in these forests, yielding a fruit far preferable to
the common kind found in the " topes" throughout India ; it is small,
round, and full of juice, as sweet as honey. The date and palm trees
are not cultivated by the Koles, but are to be found near Hindoo
villages in Singbhoom ; cheretta, wild indigo, and arrowroot are very
common in the jungles. But to enumerate all the beautiful flowers
which enrich these green retreats — the fruits and roots, to every
one of which the natives attach some specific virtue or harm ; the
inexhaustible variety of plants, shrubs and fungi, ferns, creepers, &c.
which clothe in all varieties of fantastic imagery the shady dells ; or
the cool banks of foliage-canopied streams, — would be a task far
exceeding my powers, or the limits of this memoir.

The animals found in the Kolehan are the same as in other parts
of central India, but not nearly so abundant as in better watered
jungles, besides which the Koles and Oorias are inveterate hunters,
and their attacks on game of all kinds are pursued on an extermi-
nating scale (a description of their hunts is hereafter given). The
elephant, which is numerous in parts of the Jungle Mehals, com-
paratively close to Medneepoor, is, strange to say, unknown among
the remote and wild regions of west Singbhoom ; the gower is
common in this latter region— two species are described by the natives,
a red and a black kind; the urna, and smaller wild buflalo are
very numerous about Anundpoor ; great varieties of deer haunt the
hills, the saumur (C. rusa), neelgye (Dalmalis picta) spotted deer (C.
axis) barking deer, or Muntjac (C. muntjac), chikerac or four horned

1840. J The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan) , 703

deer (C. chicquera), all these species^ though so shy when sought after
as to be seldom met with, must be tolerably numerous, from the
depredations they commit on the fields of gram, boot, moong, oorid,
&c. which are planted near the jungles. The memina, a species
of mouse deer, is also found among rocks, and underwood. The
antelope is confined to the wide open plains of Chynpoor in Sing-
bhoom, and very limited in number. Tigers and leopards abound.
Bears infest almost every clump of rocks throughout the plain ; they
are all of the long-lipped species (Ursus labiatus). Hysenas inhabit
similar localities, but are rare. There are no wolves, but there appear
to be two distinct species of the jackal (C. aureas), one of which is
much larger, stouter, and ruddier than what I remember of the jackal
of Bengal. The cry also is different, and is a wailing sound not much
unlike, though infinitely louder, than the mewing of a cat. At all events
the Koles distinguish the two animals, calling the large kind (from
its cry) Tow Koola, and the common jackal " Kurmcha." The little
Bengal fox or Corsac (Cynalopex insectivorus) is very numerous,
yapping all the clear nights long, during the cold season. The Indian
badger or Eatel (Ratelus melivorus) is found in the woods, but rarely.
Porcupines (Hystrix) are numerous, but being nocturnal, are seldom
seen. The short-tailed marus (M: crassicandata) is met with among
rocks, but is one of the rarest animals known. There are three kinds
of squirrels, the common palm squirrel (Sciurus striatus), the great red
squirrel (Sciurus macronnus), and a large grey flying squirrel, peculiar,
I believe, to the Kolehan and the Jungle Mehals. This last is
exceedingly rare, as it lives on lofty trees in profound forests, and
only moves forth at night. The wild dog (Canis primsevus), Koohia
and Sona-kookoor of the Oorias, and Tannee of the Koles, roams
through the jungles in packs, occasionally visiting the flocks and
herds on the plains. Their ferocity, speed, and cunning, have gained
them a superstitious veneration among the Koles, and dread of
their retaliating on their cattle, deters the villagers from killing them.
Of these also there are said to be two kinds, a large dog, in shape and
colour like a Scotch greyhound or lurcher, which hunts by sight,
and a smaller, red, bushy tailed dog, which follows the other in packs
of five to twenty, is less speedy and hunts by scent. The hare is
larger than that of Bengal, inhabits gravelly ravines in scrub jungle.

704 The Hodesum (improperly called KolehanJ , [No. 103.

and never takes to grass. Of monkeys there are only the two common
species, the Lungoor and Makor or Bunder {Sara and Gye of the
Koles) ; the former live among rocks, the latter in dense thickets.
Wild hogs are very numerous in some parts, but so wary as to be
seldom killed. The rhinoceros is not known.

Birds of all kinds are scarce and wild, especially those fit for food,
on account of the keenness with which the Koles pursue, trap, hawk,
and shoot them. The double-spurred partridge is found among rocks,
but is one of the most difficult birds to shoot, as it seldom takes wing, but
creeps into caves and fissures. The deep moist woods afford immense
varieties to the ornithologist, an enumeration of which would be useless.

Being a dry and stony country, the Kolehan is peculiarly prolific
in snakes of all varieties ; the covra is not so common as another
species, the Siarbinjaoi the Oorias, and Pago jar r as of the Hos (Cop-
hias Russelii), which is supposed to be equally deadly, and far more
vindictive ; it is a subgenus of rattle-snake (without the rattle). A
large and beautiful snake, coloured with black and yellow rings, the
Sakom bing (Pseudoboa fasciata) is met with in ploughed fields;
a long thin green whip-snake, infests the rank grass jungles at the
bottoms of hills ; the hartoo, a slender, agile species, coloured like a
ribbon with yellow, and coppery purple, infests trees. All these are
venomous. The Python or Ujgur, {Toonil bing) is found in every
jungle; it attains to dimensions which I have heard described, but
which would sound too marvellous to be recorded without better
proofs. Throughout Singbhoom, Chota Nagpoor, and the surrounding
countries, a belief is current of a monstrous species of snake, the
" Garra bing" infesting rivers swollen by torrents, which destroys both
men and cattle, should they venture in. I mention it, as the opinion is
so general, but it is probable that the sudden and mysterious deaths
which occur in these mountain torrents, are occasioned by what sea-
men call the " under tow" and '' back water," caused by the violent
passage of water over rocks and deep holes. The body of a person
thus carried away is never seen again, at least in the neighbourhood,
and this total disappearance naturally strengthens the idea of his
having been swallowed up by some huge animal.

An entomologist would find an exhaustless field of research and
discovery in the jungles of this country. The decayed saul trees are

1840.] The Hodesum (improperly called KolehanJ , 705

tenanted by magnificent species of Prionus and Cerambyx; the
rocks contain endless beautiful varieties of Coleoptera; the deep
woods, every where during the rainy season brilliant with odorife-
rous flowers, are enlivened by Lepidoptera of the gaudiest colors, and
numberless varieties of grotesque shapes in the Mantides, Phyllia, and
Grilli, infest every thicket ; while tribes of ants, bees, and wasps, attract
attention by the beauty and ingenuity of their habitations and nests
in the forests. Of the former, one of the commonest species is remark-
able for traversing the jungles, and marching along the paths in pro-
cession two or three abreast, and of prodigious extent. Scorpions and
centipedes are fearfully common; of the former, a species infests caves
and fissures in rocks, and attains such an enormous size, that had I
not heard the animal described by several people (of different classes),
and had reason to be satisfied of the general truth of their assertions,
I should have looked upon the whole as a chimsera. In dry, konker-
ous soils, the white ants are a scourge. They appear, in woods, to be
a kind of vegetable scavengerj reducing to powder the logs which lie
on the ground in a short space of time.

Fish are abundant in every largish stream, retiring in the dry
season to the deep pools, which are left when the main channel has
run dry ; but the Koles, by poisoning the water, destroy inordinate
quantities. The mahseer, and the little fly-taking Cyprinus, miscalled
' trout' in Upper India, are not found in these lower latitudes. Doubt-
less these running jungle streams produce many undiscovered va-
rieties of fish, but unfortunately, to this branch of natural history I
turned no attention during my stay in the country.

The climate of the Kolehan has been found to be on the whole
healthy, although the station of Chyebassa, which was unfortunately
selected hurriedly, and without suflicient examination and comparison
with surrounding spots, is not a favourable sample, situated on a
barren, gravelly plain, interspersed with brushwood, and near piles
of bare rocks. The heat during the day is excessive, but the nights are
invariably cool, and the air invigorating and exhilerating, in spite of
the temperature, owing probably to its peculiar dryness. A mile only
to the south-east, at the village of Tambore, the country rises in
undulating meadows, beautiful in appearance as an English park,
and infinitely cooler than Chyebassa. These advantages in forming the

706 The Hodesum improperly called Kolehan) , [No 103.

cantonment were either overlooked^ or thought of less note than the
nearer vicinity of water, Chyebassa being on the banks of the Roro.
The Hos are more free from disease than any other people, in con-
sequence of the precautionary measures they take — their nutritive
food and drink, and the open airy positions they build in. As a guard
against infection or fire their villages are small and scattered, and
on the first appearance of any epidemic, they leave their houses and
flee into the jungles, living apart from each other. Singbhoom, on the
contrary, from the obverse manners of the Oorias, is yearly scourged
by cholera, fevers, and smalUpox. This latter disease, propagated by
the Bramin inoculators, has within the last year spread with fearful
havoc into the Kolehan, and most unfortunately simultaneously with
the introduction of vaccine, to which the evil has alone been attributed.
The rains are not heavy in the Kolehan, but the moonsoon is accom-
panied by violent storms of wind from the north-west, with severe
thunder and lightning, causing many fatal accidents. None of that
sultry oppression incident to Bengal is felt at that time of year. The cold
season is truly luxurious — "a nipping and an eager air" without fogs or
mists. March, April, and May are generally the only unpleasantly hot
months of the year ; during this period not a drop of water falls occa-
sionally for upwards of six weeks ; the aspect of the country loses
every trace of verdure, and the dried stony soil reflects with unbear-
able force the rays of the sun. Vegetation is vigorously restored on
the commencement of the rains, and as these are not accompanied by
the gloomy sky and unceasing torrents which fall in the plains of
India, the landscape is pleasingly checquered by passing showers, and
the tender foliage of the forests glistens alternately with golden breaks
of sunshine, or mellowed shades of green. To the south and east of
Singbhoom, and in the most dreary and deserted parts of the country,
are remains indicative of the former presence of opulent and industri-
ous people, but so decayed by time, and engulphed in the labyrinths
of untenanted forests, as to be unmarked by any record or history, save
that they must have been of prior origin to the first known Bhooians
of the country. In Lalgurhpeer, the remains of a square brick fort
well ditched round are still visible ; it is said by the Bramins to have
been the seat of a Raja of the Raj Dom tribe, who with all his people,
houses, and riches, were destroyed by fire from heaven, for having slain

1840.] The Hodesum (improperly called KolehanJ , 707

a cow and wrapped a Bramin in the hide, which tightening as it dried,
squeezed him to death. Only one man, a taunty, escaped, who was
warned by the bullocks he was ploughing with, of the fate which im-
pended over the place ; it is called Kesnagurh to this day. In Anlah-
peer, to the far south, and on the borders of Rorwan, a few Koles of
the poorest kind, have built a wretched straggling hamlet near the
banks of what once was a truly magnificent, tank. It is called
" Benoo Saugur," and is said to have been built by one Raja Benoo,
who fled from the place owing to the incursions of the Mahrattas.
This was probably during the days of the celebrated " Morari Rao,"
for judging by the trees which now luxuriate amidst the buildings,
the place must have been deserted and in ruins full 200 years ago.
The tank which I paced, as well as the jungle allowed me, is about
600 yards square. On the east bank are the remains of a handsome
stone ghaut ; the west side may be similar, but was inaccessible, by
reason of thickets; on the summit of the ample bund surrounding the
water, lie stones richly carved ; it is probable they once constituted
small temples ranged around. In the centre of the tank is an island,
crowned by a temple, now almost a shapeless mass. On the south-
east corner of the tank are the debris of a gurhee or small fort, which
appears to have been a parallelogram of about 300 by 150 yards, enclos-
ed by a massy wall, with towers at the corners. In the centre are
two sunken platforms, with stone steps descending into them, in
which lie idols in all stages of decay ; some of these were buried
many feet under a loose reddish soil, having the appearance of decay-
ed bark. Among several Gunneshes, Parbuttees, Mahadeos, and other
gods of modern Hindoo mythology, were others which my infor-
mants, the Mohurbunj Raja's Mookhtar^, the Burkoonwr of Rorwan,
and several of their Bramin attendants, could give me no history of.
Three of the best preserved of these I took away with the help of some
Nagpoor Dhangars, not one of the people of the country daring to
touch them. About 300 yards to the south of the gurhee is another
mound or hillock of broken bricks, which I was told was the " Kut-
cherry" of the Raja. To the west of this, and all along the bank of the
Talab, the plain now covered with jungle grass, and here and there
cultivated with gora dhan by the Koles, is scattered with bricks,
showing that a substantial town or bazar mi^st have existed here.

708 The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan) . [No. 103.

Still further southward, about eight miles, and two miles beyond
Rorwan, these remains occur in greater number, and better preserva-
tion, and the road leading to them is replete with debris of the most
melancholy and dreary nature, rank grass waving over tanks, some
of great magnitude, which lie on every side. Thickets and briars
matting over richly carved ghauts and temples ; old avenues and plan-
tations whose symmetry can now scarcely be detected amidst over-
whelming jungle, offer a vivid picture of what these deserted tracts
once were ; and the mind instinctively pictures to itself a once opulent
and prosperous people, whose forgotten dust rests perhaps within the
funereal shades of these ancient forests, as their fates and fortunes, alike
unknown, lie buried in the Elapsed vastness of time !

The temples at Kiching are still resorted to by pilgrims from
the south, and kept in tolerable repair. There are two of them,
but only one made use of in offering sacrifices, &c ; it is in an
unfinished state, the materials for the dome lying on the ground
round about, as if they had been hastily abandoned. A narrow path
winds up to the temple now in use, through dense thickets and
forest trees, among which lie, thickly scattered, portions of elabo-
rate sculpture, idols, and alto-relievo figures of men in armour on
horseback, nauchnees, jugglers, servants, &c. &c. These two temples
ere part of a circle of sixty similar ones (according to the Deoree,
or high priest of the place) which with sixty corresponding tanks are
placed two miles a part, in a circle of forty miles in diameter. Of
these, the temples at Kiching and some others at Odeypoor, on the
banks of the Byturnee, are alone visited. A Superstitious dread
deters access to the others, and in truth they are buried in such awful
wilds, as naturally to excite the fears of such a credulous race.
The tank at Kiching lies to the north of the temple, and appeared
to-be about 300 yards long, and sixty or seventy in breadth ; it is said
to be of masonry, but I did not examine it.

In the vast saul forest which spreads over the boundary of the
Kolehan and Baumunghattee, and about twelve miles from the
nearest village, are two extraordinary pools of water, evidently
artificial, called the '^ Soormee and Doormee." The former is about
300, the latter 200 yards long, dug in a perfectly straight line,
and separated by a bund or causeway, so that they appear to have

1840.] The Hodhum (improperly called Kolehan), 709

formed a long water chaussee, or avenue, leading to the Kurkye river,
which is not above half a mile off. No traces of paths or buildings
or artificially planted trees were here discernible. Absurd stories are
told of the fatal effects of the water on man and beast, by the
Bhoomijes, who are the exorcisers of unclean spirits in the jungles,
and the spot is carefully avoided by the superstitious Koles. I visited
the " Soormee Doormee''' while laying down the boundary in 1838-
1839 ; we had great difficulty in forcing our way through the dense
jungle, not the trace of a path existing, and I verily believe we were
the first party, for many generations, who had intruded on this abode
of utter silence and seclusion. There were fine fish swimming in the
water, and the traces of deer in numbers round the bank, as they come
nightly to drink there. It was with difficulty however I could prevail
on a few to follow my example in taking a draught from the pool.

In none of these places could I perceive inscriptions of any kind,
and I cannot here avoid expressing a regret, that my ignorance
of Indian antiquities prevented my throwing any light on the history
of these truly interesting, relics ; — Interesting, as being situated
in such unknown wilds, as indices of the entire revolution that has
taken place in the political history of the country, and as proofs of
these untrodden jungles having once been the seat of opulence, indus-
try, and power, so utterly decayed, so long departed, as not to have
left a record behind.

( To he continued.)

Note. — Although it is very improbable that any of our readers should
be enabled to visit the Hodesum, with sufficient time at their disposal
to examine closely, and carefully, the ruins at Kiching, and Lalgurhpeer,
I cannot help requesting particular attention to Lieut. Tickell's notice of
these interesting remains, with a view to our procuring at some future
time a more detailed account of them. The best thanks of all interested
in the study of Indian History, are due to the author of the excellent
paper now -under publication, for his having (I believe I am right in
saying) discovered in the wilds of the trackless forests of Chootia Nagpore,
these singular traces of a people, and a power, whose name lives hardly
preserved by even local tradition. His ample, and able statistical
account of Hodesum is of real utility, and we must acknowledge that he
has done well in foregoing a possibly fruitless search for antiquarian
remains, which would necessarily have diverted his attention from more

4x

710 Tke Hodesum (improperly called KolehanJ. [No. 103.

important objects. As these however have been fully accomplished in
the paper before us, I trust that, should opportunity offer, search may
be made in the vicinity of these deserted cities for any traces which
may enable us to arrive at conclusions regarding their history. A paper
which I hope soon to publish (Journal of an expedition to the Naga
HiUs, by Lieut. Grange) will prove the value of similar research in a
historical point of view, by the result of that officer's observations on
Dhemapoor Nuggur, now like Lalgurhpeer a mass of ruins in a wild
forest, but formerly the residence of the Cacharee Rajas. iTi

Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan,hy Captain Edward
CoNOLLY, 6th Cavalry.

The southern limit of the lower ranges of that portion of the great
Caucasian chain of mountains which lies between the 62nd and 65th
meridians of east longitude, is well defined by the lower, or Dilaram
road from Girishke to Furrah. From this line a vast desolate tract

p . . extends, part of that great desert, named rather loosely

by Malcolm, the Salt Desert. Sloping gradually to the
south-west, it descends, like the plains of Tartary, in steppes, till its pro-
gress is arrested, on the south, by a high sandy desert, and on the west
by a broad and lofty chain of hills (1) which stretches in a south-west
direction from probably near Ghorian to the Surhud, and thus perhaps
connects the Parapomisan mountains with the Southern Kohistan. The
south-west corner of this thus interrupted plain, the last and lowest
steppes, are Seistan (2).

The country so named, of which the length may in round numbers

be estimated at 100 miles, and the breadth at 60, is entirely composed

of flats, with the exception of one hill, (3) (the

Koh-i-Zor) and in its whole extent, not a stone is to

1. This range is known by different names ; in the latitude of Killah Rah, it is called, from
a celebrated hill, Atishana near Bundau, Koh-i-Bundau— and opposite Zirreh Koh-i-Pulung, — the
hill of leopards.

2. That is modern Seistan. In ancient times, the country known by this name was only
bounded on the north by Ghare and Zemindawer, in the latter of which a learned orientalist has
recognized Zabul. As the present sketch is intended solely to explain the map, and the ancient
history and geography of Seistan and the countries around it will form the subject of a separate
memoir, no allusion to the latter will be found here.

3. In the Univ: Gazetteer, 1837, you read, "The country is generally mountainous"? There
is a small hill called Kohga, on the north-west of the Hamoon, which is sometimes surrounded
by the water of the lake ; at present it belongs to the chief of Laush.

1840.] Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 711

be met with, except a few rounded pebbles in the beds of rivers. The

soil is either the light and soluble earth of the desert, or the still lighter

alluvial deposit, and there is hardly one tree, and not one of any size,

in the whole country. From the north and north-east, it receives the

waters of numerous rivers, which partaking of the nature of mountain

torrents, at one time of the year rush down with great violence, almost

black with mud, and at others are either quite dry, or flow in a clear,

languid and shallow stream.

It requires but little knowledge of Physical Geography, to judge of

the effect of a large body of water discharged in this
Effect of the rivers. .,, . ■,.... , . . ,,

manner, with varying velocity, into a basm, incapable,

from its nature, of offering the slightest resistance to its progress. The

water hurries away to the lowest spots, and there, when its turbulence

has subsided, drops its loads of earth, till in process of time these low

spots have become elevated, and the water is driven to some other place.

It necessarily results, that the level of the country must constantly be

altering, and that as the whole bed of the lake is thus gradually filling

up, the waters spread themselves over a large surface every year. This

extension is much assisted by the deposits which take place in the beds

of the rivers at their mouths, which deposits are of course ever on the

increase as the current becomes less rapid, when layer after layer of

settling earth diminishes the slope. In consequence of this filling up of

their beds, nearly all these rivers overflow their banks on entering Seistan.

Of the correctness of these views, the whole country exhibits many proofs,

even to the passing traveller ; and a scientific resident
Ancient appearance . , , i 1 1 i , , , , , , « , .

of the country. might probably be able to develop much of the in-
teresting history of the progressive changes. For a
long period of years, however, Seistan would seem to have presented much
the same general appearance as is attempted to be delineated in the annexed
sketch.

The violent action of the swollen streams was in a great measure
moderated by large bodies of water being drawn off in canals, which
were conducted, in some places, as far as forty miles, through dry and
sandy tracts. Massive embankments had been also constructed by rich
and enlightened governments, which prevented the water from flowing
without controul, and confined it within certain bounds for the purposes
of cultivation.

It is only of late years that a very remarkable change has taken place
in the aspect of the country, to explain which it will be necessary to say
a few words on the geography of its lakes and rivers, at the period repre-
sented in the sketch, when Captain Christie visited Seistan.

712 Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. [No. 103.

The lake, which stretched in a direction parallel to the Bundau hills, was

_,, TT 1 . about seventy miles long, and had an average breadth
The Helmund. . "^ , . .

of eighteen miles. Its principal feeder, the Helmund,

is not inaccurately laid down in our maps, with the exception, that the
Khash-rood is not one of its tributaries, and that the Arghandab enters it
just below, and not above, Killah Beest. This river, in the dry season, is
never without a plentiful supply of water ; during the swell, it comes
down with astonishing rapidity, equal in size to the Jumna. As soon as
it has left the hills, its bed is generally four or five miles in breadth, the
water more easily penetrating the readily yielding sides than the bottom,
converted into a sort of pavement by the stones rolled down from the
mountains. The stream has not however of late years occupied the
whole breadth, though in former times, before it had cut itself so deep a
bed, it would appear to have done so near Girishke ; for example, there are
ruins at opposite sides of the river of forts known to have been con-
temporaneous, and under which the water must have flowed (for they are
built in a semicircle, without a wall on the river face) though there is a
space of four miles between them.

The stream now hugs its left bank, above which rises in vast mounds
the sandy desert. The ancient right bank is well marked by the high
cliffs of the plain before mentioned, which are every where hollowed and
indurated by the action of water. The rich space between this bank and
the modern channel, of which the average breadth is rather more than two
miles, is the country of Gurmsehl.

The Helmund receives the waters of one or two small streams from the
desert on the west, which will be mentioned in the description of that
tract.

The three rivers next to be described, have experienced little change since
1810. The first, the Furrah-rood, passes a little to the
north of the fort of Furrah, and runs close under Laush,
about twenty miles south of which it enters the Seistan lake. I am not
aware of this river receiving any tributaries in the lower part of its
course. (4) The Furrah-rood is nearly dry for the greater part of the year,
water is however confined in many places by bunds or natural hollows,
and is always to be found by digging a few feet into its bed, which is the
case with the Helmund, and most of the rivers of eastern Asia. (5) During
the spring it is a broad and rapid river, but not half the size of the
Helmund.

4. The Gizea found in Arrowsmith's Map of Central Asia, 1834, must be either erroneously laid
down, or is soihe insignificant stream.

5. Baber remarks this in his memoirs.

1840.] Sketch of the Physical Geography of Beistan. 713

About twelve miles west of the mouth of the Furrah-rood, a river dis-
charges itself into the same lake, which though equal
in size to the last named, has nearly escaped the obser-
vation of geographers (6) : this is the Adrascund, which crosses the high
road, some fifty miles south of Herat, near a place where it is joined by the
Rod-i-Gez, celebrated for the sweetness of its waters. After flowing east by
south, through the plain of Subzawar, it sweeps round to the west, runs
down a narrow valley called Jaya, and passes a little to the south of the
valley of Pomegranates, (7) where Capt. Christie crossed without recognizing
it. Of the course of the stream for a short distance after this, I am doubt-
ful, but its further progress to the west must be soon arrested by the incli-
nation of the ground from the western range of hills before mentioned.
Entering the tract, from its extreme barrenness called the Waste of Despair,
(Tug-i-Noomed) (8) its name, which since leaving Subzawar has been chang-
ed to Jaya, is again altered to that of the fallen angel Haroot. It then flows
a little to the west of Killah Rah, the northern part of which it waters,
and with a nearly southerly course empties itself into the lake of Seistan.
A few miles above its mouth, the Herat receives a small salt river, the
Khash Koduk, which has water only in the spring, when it drains the marsh
of Furrah.
During the wet season, a mountain torrent, rather than a river, flows

S. E. into the lake from Bundau, by the name of which
The Bundau river. ^ -^ . ^ mi. t> j i. e ^

place it IS known. The Bundau has a course oi less

than 50 miles, and only deserves notice as being, as far as our knowledge

extends, the solitary stream which enters Seistan from the west.

The Khash-rood has for so long a period occupied an erroneous

_,, ^^, , , position on our maps, that its real course deserves
The Khash-rood. ^ . .

particular attention. After crossing the Herat road,

it travels south-west to Seistan, but in 1810 it did not enter the lake ;
its waters just below Chukhnasoor, having spread themselves out over
a low tract called from a species of marshy grass (aishk) which abounds
there, Aishkineik. That the Khash-rood has been stated to empty itself in-
to the Helmund at Kona, sheea, may perhaps be accounted for, by suppos-
ing some confusion between the name of that post and of Chukhnasoor,
of which the more correct appellation is said to be Khanehsoor, or the
house of marriage, it being there, according to tradition, that Giu married a
daughter of Roostum.

6. Gerard first traced its course from the Herat-rood to Anardureh.

7. Anardureh.
8. I do not exactly uuderstand the limits of the plain known by this name- North of it is a great
salt tract, the Nimuksar.

714 Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. [No. 103.

The Kliash is a much smaller river than the Furrah ; a large proportion
of its waters are drained off for cultivation, and during the greater part of
the year its channel, which is never of any great width, only contains
waters where it has been banked in, or in a few deep pools. On its banks
and in Seistan, the Khash is always called the Khoosh, and in some geogra-
phical works is written Khooshk, or the dry river. The Aishkineik was a
marsh during the swell, and dry in summer.

The Ibrahim Jooi is made in our maps to fall into the Khash, but in real-
ity a little below Bukheva, it spreads itself out and forms a marsh also
called Aishkineik, which is, however, usually dry, there being little water
lower than the Ismail Khan. I know of no stream flowing into the Khash
from the west, except a small river which commences, I was told, some-
where below Bukheva ; from the east it receives the Rod-i-Reghi, the direc-
tion of which will be seen in the map ; but of the early part of its course
I am doubtful.

To the west of the Khash three smaller streams flow into Seistan from the

^ , „ . north-east; the Rod-i-Khar, the Chabulk, and the Koos-

Other smaller rivers. r^. n i i i - -, n ^ - ^

pas. rhe first and least, at the period of which we are

speaking, discharged itself into the Aishkineik above Chukhnasoor.

Of the other two, the Chabulk rises in a spring called Chusmeh Meshak,
about six miles south-east of Toojk, below Furrah ; the second at Siah-ab,
a hill between Koormalik and Bukheva, celebrated as the spot where the
Vuzeer Shah Wulee was put to death. These two rivers formerly de-
bouched in a lake some miles east of the principal one, and known by the
name of Duk-i-Teer, a promontory on its eastern bank, famous in the fa-
bulous history of Seistan, as the place from whence Roostum procured the
arrow with which he killed Isfandear.

Of the extent of this lake I have no very precise information. On the
north it reached to within eight miles of Jowaine ; it was probably con-
nected with the Aishkineik on its south, and when swelled by extraordina-
ry floods, may have even been united with the lake of Koh-i-Khwajeh, as a
high bank prevents its extension to the eastward.

It also received some of the waters of the Helmund by branches striking
off north and east from that river, after it had passed Rodbar. Of these
the principal, which left the parent stream near Deh-i-Nusser Khan, was
called the river of Ilumdar, and another of smaller size, but since become
remarkable, went off from Khwajeh Ahmed.

Such was Seistan for a long time. The Helmund glided along each
succeeding year in nearly the same channel it had occupied the year be-
fore, and the inhabitants on its banks were too ignorant to remark or to
care to counteract the consequences they could have hardly failed to fore-

1840.J Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan, 715

see, of the change which was gradually preparing by the annual deposition
of alluvial matter. The great embankments, whose ruins still record the
names and wisdom of kings of yore had been neglected or destroyed, and
the canals which enriched more than one desert district, were dry, and the
fields they had watered a waste. Zirreh, so celebrated in history, which
defied the arms of Chengiz and Timour, did not boast one inhabitant. Of
Tragu, Killah Put, and Pshaweroon, and of other great cities, through the
ruins of which the traveller wanders for days, all that remained were the
walls and the name.
About nine years ago an unusually large inundation changed the whole face
of the country. The main stream of the Helmund de-

ect'of'fhe'counU?' ^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^' ^^^ cutting for itself a wide channel
out of that of the small branch which went off from
Khwajeh Ahmed, carried the greater part of its waters to the Duk-i-Teer.
This lake was insufficient to contain so large an accession to its mass;
the superfluous waters forced themselves a passage through a narrow
and low neck of land to the westward, and discharged in this manner into
the old lake, thus connected, and made the two one.

The inhabitants of Seistan were at length roused from their indifference
by a disaster which threatened their very existence, as it deprived them
of the means of irrigating their fields. United by the common danger, a
large body of men of the different tribes assembled together, and in the
course of the ensuing summer raised an immense mound across the river,
near the place where the waters had diverged; but through their igno-
rance of physics, their labour was thrown away. The next flood turned
the embankment, and the river, as in the preceding year, passed away from
Seistan. Since that time the Seistanis despairing of success, have made
no further effort to reclaim their river. The greater part of the water of
the Helmund is discharged into the Duk-i-Teer by several mouths, and
the now scanty stream of the old bed, confined by numerous bunds, hardly
suffices to water the lands it formerly overflowed, and is a never ending
source of contention, between the various tribes which inhabit its banks.
Geographers have been at a loss to account for the many different names

which have been given to the lake of Seistan. The
Name of the lake , ,. ^,, , . . ,

of Seistan. solution of the puzzle is very simple.

The Persian word Hamoon ^^^» 1:5, signifies a plain

level ground. (9) The Seistanis apply the term to any expanse of water,

9. It is frequentlj^ found in this sense in Persian authors, as in the Bostan : —
Ze deria ama bur amud Ruse,
Sufur KurdAh deria wo Hamoon buse.
I know of no instance of any author having used the term to express an expanse of water. The
similar sounding name of the Oxus, Amoo, is probably descriptive of its periodical swell.

JIG Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. [No. 103.

During the swell, as before observed, the Helmund overflows its banks, and
water is sometimes carried into low spots, from which some ridge inter-
cepts its retreat, when the river again retires to its bed. In this manner
numerous small lakes were formed, and each of them was called a Hamoon,
and was distinguished by its particular appellative. The united waters
are styled the Hamoon without any distinctive adjective. The old lake
also was in former times known as the Hamoon, though sometimes, as
now specified by the name of the celebrated hill in the midst of it, the Koh-
i-Zor, or Roostum, or as it is more generally called from a modern saint,
Koh-i-Khwaj eh.

The Hamoon of Zirreh was some miles to the south the Hamoon of Koh-i-
Khwajeh, and was perhaps formed in the manner above
described, from the overflow of that lake; though
it is not improbable that a natural or artificial branch of the Helmund
went direct to Zirreh. This Hamoon will be mentioned in the sequel.
The lake of Zirreh, and many smaller ones, some of which are marked
on the map, are either dry, or are drying up in consequence of the diversion
of the Helmund. On the site of one, Boorj, one of the four capitals of Seis-
tan has been built, and the place of water is supplied by corn-fields.

I cannot learn that the principal Hamoon, or any of the smaller ones were
ever styled in Seistan, Loukh; I suppose therefore, that title to be a Persian
or Afghan fabrication, or it may have obtained currency through some
misconception of the meaning of the person who originally employed it to
designate the lake, to many parts of which the name would be sufficiently
appropriate, " Loukh" in Persian and Pushtoo signifying " rushes :" but this
word is not known in Seistan, where a rush is invariably called " Toot."

The most fitting appellation of the Hamoon is the classical one of

^ , . „ , Aria Palus, for it is in reality almost every where a
Description of the "^ "^

lake. mere marsh. It has rarely a depth of more than from

three to four feet, and is almost entirely covered with
reeds or rushes. There is however a considerable diff'erence in the ap-
pearance of the old and new lake, particularly in the dry season.

Of the Duk-i-Teer, I have only seen the south part ; there it is a large
sheet of water, thickly studded with reed-topped islands, its depth averag-
ing about four feet, and having a very muddy bottom. The reeds are tall
and close together, but you can walk through them without difficulty.
To the north there is probably less water, and the reeds are not in patches,
but cover the whole surface. In the old Hamoon, on the contrary, the
reeds are in most places stiff" and thick with age, and stand so close
together in clumps, their roots being united by little hillocks of encrusted
earth, that quadrupeds even are unable to force their way through them.

1840.] Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 7U

This is particularly the case round the hill of Roostum, the only mode of
reaching which in the summer is by a ditch two or
^^''ifke"^ ^^^ ""^^ three feet wide, and having an average depth of
three feet of water, very salt, rank with putrifying
matter, and nearly as black as ink. Men, horses, and cows Avade
through the slime, people of the better classes are conveyed to and fro
in a species of canoe called Tootee, and peculiar, I believe, to Seistan. Four
or five bundles of reeds are fastened together by rushes, or by the flexible
tops of reeds, the cut edges forming a square stem, the upper ends being
tied in a point for a prow. The passenger seats himself in the middle, one
man pushes from behind, and another pulls at the front. During the
wet season the tootees are made of larger size, so as to admit of as many
as four men sitting in them, and are propelled by paddles and long poles,
but they are rarely taken into the deeper water, where the waves would
wet and sink them. These boats last only for a few days, for the wet
reeds soon become rotten and heavy ; they are made and navigated by
a particular class of men called Syads, a word which expresses their pro-
fession of fowlers. The ditch road I have mentioned has to be renewed
every year when the waters have subsided.

The old Hamoon can be seen to the greatest advantage from the tops

of the hill of Roostum, from which elevated posi-

View from Roh-i-
Khwajeh. tion the eye travels uninterrupted over a plain bound-

ed only by the horizon, except on the west, where, at
fifty miles distance, rises the chain of the Bundau hills.

It was in September that I took my station on this hill ; immediately
beneath me lay a yellow plain, as level as a calm sea, formed by the tops
of reeds, and extending north and south long beyond the reach of vision.
On the east it was bounded by a strip of paler yellow, marking the borders
of the lake, where the less thickly growing reeds are annually burnt down,
and a few poor KheUs clear away the ground for the cultivation of water-
melons. Beyond again, in this direction, appeared the dark green of the
tamarisks, whole forests (11) of which fringe the lake. Here and there as we
looked around on every side, were seen patches of blue water, and on the
west a large clear lake stretched away till out of sight. All seemed waste,
but the towers of Chuling and Sekoha showed like white specks in the
distance ; and winding and shining through the tamarisks, you might trace
the course of several streams, which once formed the delta of the Helmund,
and in which water is still retained at intervals for the purposes of agri-

11 Lest I be accused of a contradiction, as it has been said that there are no trees in Seistan,
I may mention, that the taiharisks rarely, if ever, attain any great size in that country.

4 Y

718 Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. [No. 103.

culture. The water of the Hamoon is salt (12), but not at all places equally
so, the intensity varying according to the depth, nature
of the soil on which it -rests, and the proximity to the
mouths of the rivers. The Seistanis boast that the water of their country
is the best in the world, that it gives an appetite, and promotes diges-
tion; even when most distasteful, it is said not to be injurious, and
the garrison of Koh-i-Khwajeh drank no other than that of the ditch path,
described above, which is so brackish that none of our horses after a
fatiguing march in the sun could be induced to drink it.

It has been stated that the Hamoon is every year spreading over a large
superficies, which requires explanation, since it seems

On the increase or at variance with the received theory of the other in-
diminution of the
waters. land lakes, the Caspian, Aral, &c. all of which are said

to cover a less space now, than they did in former

times. With only a general knowledge of the geography of those seas, it

is dangerous to hazard a conjecture regarding them, but it seems by no

means improbable that much of the land which is represented as shewing

traces of having once formed part of the lakes in question, was covered

with water before those lakes had occupied their present beds, proving

therefore no more than that the water has changed its position, not that it

is less in extent. The Caspian on the north, where traces of inundation

on lands now dry are the most remarkable, is shallow, marshy, and covered

with reeds, as if the water was gradually deserting it. It must however

be borne in mind, that as the lake spreads, it offers a large surface to the

action of evaporation, and that in proportion to the apparent increase,

there is a real diminution in bulk.

The evaporation in Seistan must be very great. The heat in summer

„ is said to be more oppressive than that of Candahar.

Evaporation. i ^ i i i

and for half the year, a strong steady wind blows from

the snowy mountains above Herat, to compensate the exhaustion of air in

the burning desert to the south. This wind, which is called the " Bad i sud

0 bist roz," " a wind of 120 days," is confined to a breadth of about 80 miles,

being bounded on the west by the Bundau hills, and extending no further

east, it is said, than Khash.

I should have desired here to give some account of the natural history

of Seistan, but of the study itself I am nearly ignorant; the field is, I

suspect, a barren one, and the season at which I visited the country was

12 Nothing but common salt is found in Seistan itself. The plain of Furrah is a saltpetre marsh.
Salt is found in patches in various parts of the desert, that of Peer i Rizre in the Gurmsehl is cele-
brated for its whiteness.

1840.] Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 719

unfavourable to the prosecution of it^ A description of the Hamoon

however would be incomplete, without some notice of the more common

animals to ^hich the lake gives birth or affords nourishment.

The marshy and reedy parts of the lake shelter innumerable wild hogs.

In a small history of Seistan written by a native, it
Natural History.

is stated, that when a man cultivates a piece of ground,

he calculates on losing half the produce by their ravages. The villagers,

as may be supposed, spare no means to destroy these
Wild Hogs.

destructors ; they lay snares for them, shoot them, and

hunt them down with dogs. The dogs are large, strong, bold animals,
resembling the Bhil dogs of India, and are regularly trained to hunt.
Accompanied by a dozen or more of these you sally out, and as soon as you
approach the reedy grounds which the hogs frequent, you perceive on all
sides the earth ploughed up with their tusks. The Seistanis, who are eager
sportsmen, strip, and wade nearly naked through the mud. Soon a bark
is heard, the note is immediately taken up, and aU the dogs join in the
cry like a pack of English hounds. After a due quantity of holloing
and splashing the game is brought down, or if of large size, is held at bay
tiU the huntsmen come up and despatch it with their matchlocks. The Seis-
tanis though Sheeahs, and like all Sheeahs ftdl of prejudices, do not object
to handle the hog : the nearest huntsman cuts up the carcase and gives
slices of it to the dogs, and the rest is brought home as food for them.

When the waters are rising in the spring, herds of thirty or forty are
to be seen swimming one behind the other from island to island. Large
numbers are thus sometimes collected into a small spot, and the hunting
then becomes most dangerous ; hardly a year passes without lives being
lost in the sport.

The hogs are however a trifling nuisance compared with the hosts of

insects bred in the stagnant waters. The mosquitoes
Insects. , , 1 . , • 1

are so troublesome, that in the spring, the poorest

villager is obliged to make a small room of a coarse open cloth called

" kirbas, " into which he retires with his family as soon as the sun sets. " Clap

your hands together," said a man whom I asked to give me some idea of

their number, for when we passed through Seistan there were none, " and the

palms will be covered with blood." Fleas are said to be no less numerous,

and from them there is no escape ; but the worst plague of all are the flies.

I had been sometime in Seistan before I understood why the inhabitants

complained so much of these insects ; a few would now and then settle on

the inside of our horses thighs, (every other part of the body being

always protected by cloth) and where they bite a small stain of blood is

720 Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. [No. 103.

left, so that the animal was marked as if leeches had been applied to it ;
but this was all, and though every one said, " You have not seen the flies,
a cold night killed them just before you arrived, &c.," I began to suspect
that the reports I had heard on the subject were fabrications, or at least
exaggerations. I was mistaken : it was our last march in Seistan ; we
were approaching Chukhnasoor, and our road lay over some soil which
the water of the lake had lately left, and which was hard, dry, and broken
into innumerable small cracks : from these cracks such swarms of flies
issued, that I can only give an idea of their numbers, by comparing them,
to bees near a hive which has just been disturbed. They buzzed round our
faces, and bit us in every less protected part, as the ancle above the shoe, the
neck, &c. When we reached our halting ground. Peer i Risri, on the bank
of the river Khash, their numbers were incredible ; the horses were nearly
maddened, and the servants declared they would all be killed. We lighted
fires on the windward side of every horse, smothering the flame to make
the smoke rise : this was not sufficient ; we could not drive away the flies
from our own persons, and the heat was too great to allow of our covering
our faces with a cloth.^ On the opposite bank was a thick jungle of dry
reed, we set fire to it, and huge volumes of smoke driving over us, we
escaped our tormentors at the expense of sore eyes, and being blackened
with ashes. During the night, afraid to face another day here, we hurried
away to Ruddeh, glad to be quit of the flies and Seistan.

The Seistan fly resembles the common fly, but is twice as large. In the
spring it is of a pale brown with dark spots ; as the year closes the colour
turns black, and soon after the insect dies. The bite is painful, but less
so than the sting of a wasp, and the pain is only momentary.

To the annoying attacks of the flies, is generally attributed the re-
markable mortality which prevails among horses in
Seistan, and it is not improbable that the irritation
produced by their bites may have considerable effect in promoting the
evil. There is hardly a horse in the country. Of more than 5,000 brought
by Kamran in his expedition, about four years ago, not one is said to have
been alive six months after the return of the army to Herat. This is of
course a gross exaggeration, but there is no doubt that the loss was
immense. The few horses which the Seistan chiefs keep for state, are tended
with the greatest care in dark stables, from which they never issue, unless
on some important occasion, except during the winter. When brought out
their whole bodies are covered with cloth, particular care being taken to
protect the belly, for a bite in that part is considered fatal ; they are never
galloped, for it is believed that if a horse sweats, he is sure to die. I
bought a horse from a Belooch chief, which Rbohundil Khan of Candahar

1840.] Sketch of the Physical Geographij of Seistan. 721

had sent down as a present four years before. The beast had never been

mounted, had hardly left the stable, and the owner was glad to accept any

trifle for it to escape the expence of its keep.

The symptoms of the fatal disease, which is called " Soorkh surgeen,"

or red dung, are as nearly as I could collect from in-
Disease of the horse. . . ,-, .. , i

quiries among the natives, and my own observation, as

follows. First, the hind legs swell. The Seistanis then say " Bad gerift,"
"the wind has seized him," an expression applied commonly to a rheumatic
complaint. One of my riding horses refused its food ; we were standing
by inquiring the cause, when a man who was looking on, came up, opened
the mouth of the animal, and exclaimed, "Your horse will die — he has got
white gums :" this is the second symptom. The dung now turns of a
Vermillion colour, the skin is frequently covered with pimples, the urine is
bloody, and at last a paralysis seizes on all the limbs, and soon after death
ensues. The eye during the progress of the disease is of a pale yellow
colour, only a few specks of white remaining, and it is said that the " tail
dries up," so that you can pull out the hairs by hands full. The disease in
some cases I witnessed, killed in three days ; but horses passing through
Seistan generally live for a few months, dying however in certainly two
cases out of five, within the year. The Seistanis having found all their re-
medies fail, now generally abandon a horse to its fate as soon as it is taken
ill. Bleeding, the most obvious treatment, is, I was assured, useless, and
the only mode of cure recommended to me, (warm goat's blood) is evidently
absurd. This epidemic is confined to Seistan ; it is not known at Jowaine,
or Neh, or even Kuddeh. The Seistanis pretend that it has only appeared
in their country of late years, but the ancient Zarangeans, and the armies
which fought against Timoor, were foot soldiers, which argues the contrary.
The climate is unfavourable, but in a less degree, to camels. Both these

animals and sheep die in great numbers from eating the leaves
Camels. x o o

of a plant called Trootk. Not more than 3 or 4000 camels

could be procured in Seistan ; when required, they are brought from Gurm-

sehl, or the sandy desert to the S.E. Sheep. Sheep feed generally on a small

creeping plant called Boonoo, which abounds in the salt grounds, and which

tastes like salt itself. Boonoo is sometimes used for horses' food, but it is

first washed, by which process it loses much of its bitterness. There are many

varieties of grasses all over the country, but several of them were said to have

noxious qualities. (13) The only domestic animal which thrives well except

13. I collected specimens of them which are not at present available for verification. The most
common is called Kirta, when we passed through Furrah, that whole plain was covered with it, and
resembled a rich English meadow, sheep and cows thrive on Kirta, but it acts on horses as an
aperient.

722 Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. [No. 103.

the mule and ass, — the latter of which is very common and useful, is the cow,
which is much valued in the neighbouring countries. People
send their cows from a distance to pasture on the reeds of the
Hamoon, which soon bring them into condition, but a cow thus fattened,
though looking sleek and plump, does not yield the same quantity of milk as
the Candahar cow, which revels on artificial grasses ; for the first, six seers
of milk is considered a fair supply ; at Candahar twelve seers are commonly
drawn. The Seistan cows are exported, three or four hundred every year,
to Candahar, Persia, &c. I heard a well attested story of one wliich had re-
turned by itself from Teheran.

Cows are put to a singular use in this country (14) ; they are taught to

^ ., . hunt. In the spring, when the lake is covered with water-

Stalkmg. ^ . °

birds, the cow quietly crops the reeds, and the birds used

to its presence, do not rise at its approach. Behind it skulks the hunts-
man, his matchlock resting on its back. The cow moves along very quietly,
first lifting one leg and then after a pause another, every now and then stop-
ping and feeding, till it comes to within a few feet of a dense mass of fowls.
The hunter then fires, picks up his prey, and continues his sport as before.

Many cows are said to die from a disease called "Murk," (a corruption
perhaps of " Murg," death) when you are told, a maggot is always found
in the liver.

The water-birds of Seistan I did not see, but I could well credit the

reports of their extraordinary numbers by the appearance of many parts

of the grounds which had been lately deserted by water; in some places

„. , the marks of feet were so numerous as to remind us of an

Bn-ds.

etching. Geese, ducks, and teal, are tamed. A very fine

species of tame duck is brought from Bunpore, and is commonly offered as

a present in Seistan.

A famous shot, a cousin of the principal chief in Seistan, Mahomed Reza
Khan, wrote out for me a long list of all the birds with which he was ac-
quainted, with remarks on their habits, &c, but his notes are more amusing
than instructive. (15)

There are probably few fish in the lakes, or rather few varieties of fish.

In all the rivers we crossed from Girishke to Herat, though

we frequently threw in poison, and caught fish in hundreds,

we only found two species, a carp and a silurees. The Heri-rood has

14. The same custom is known in Afghanistan ; see Elphinstone.

15. Thus he speaks of the Kohtan, or pelican, the water-carrier of the birds, which fills its bag with
water, and flies far away into the thirsty desert, where the little birds exchange the food which they
have collected, for a drink of his water. Or of the " Furdeh begirum," or " I'll catch him to-morrow,"
a kind of bastard hawk. Every morning it resolves to go a hunting, but scarcely has it made two
circles in the air, when a piece of cow-dung attracts its eye, " Well never mind," it exclaims, settling
down on the cow-dung, " I'll catch to-morrow."

1840.] Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 723

also the dace, and in the Hamoon there is a small fish much esteemed,
called Aujuk ; it was not in season, and I did not see one.

The more common wild animals are wolves (which will attack cows
and even men) jackaUs, hyaenas, foxes, porcupines, hedge-hogs, the kan-
garoo-rat, otters, &c.

The skins of the last are exported to Bokhara, and sell even in Seistan
for three or four rupees. The leopard, or as a native described it to me,
"the tiger's younger brother," is found in the western hills, to which it
gives a name.

Wild asses and deer abound in the desert which lies between the Hel-

mund and the Bundau hills. This tract differs much from the sandy desert

south of the river. Little sand is found on it, except in strips of no great

width. For the most part it consists of a hard, compact, light-coloured clay,

over which a few shrubs, tamarisks, and grasses are thinly
Deer.

scattered, but sometimes it is perfectly destitute of vegetation

for miles. Large spaces are found covered over with rolled stones, nor

could we in every case assign a plausible explanation of their presence.

The few isolated hills are marked on the map.

Water is procured by digging wells in the beds of one or two small

rivulets, such as the Murja and Tagrish, which are dry except after a fall

of rain, and a tract runs through the desert, called Shund, where water can

always be found within a few feet of the surface. Formerly brick wells were

to be met with at every 10 or 12 miles on the caravan routes, but they

are now almost all of them purposely destroyed by the Afghans, that

the plundering Belooches may be prevented by want of halting places

from invading them. From the scarcity of water in the interior, it is

almost destitute of animal life ; the deer are found near the rivers, but

chiefly, and in immense herds, at a distance of generally 7 or 8 miles from

the Helmund, where they are almost intermixed with large flocks of

sheep, which are sent there from the banks of the river to fatten on a grass

called Muj. The mode of catching the deer is curious. The canals for

irrigation are always cut as closely as possible to the cliffs of the desert,

a narrow space only being left for a high road. The traveller in the

Gurmsehl will remark the outer or desert edge of the canals lined for miles

with a slight railing of threads raised on small pieces of stick ; at every

one or two hundred yards a gap is left. Here in a pit dug for the purpose

on the inner side of the canal, sits crouching the hunter, the muzzle' of

his matchlock, which rests on the edge of the pit, being concealed by a

parapet of small stones.

In the twilight, either morning or evening, the deer steal from the dry

desert to slake their thirst in the canal, sometimes singly, sometimes in

724 Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. [No. 103.

herds, one walking quietly behind the other. A troop is seen approach-
ing; on reaching the edge of the water the white line is perceived, and the
leader afraid to cross it, turns, and followed by the rest walks trembling
along side of it till the spot is reached where the hunter lies concealed.
This is an anxious moment ; the deer pauses as if to consult with his bre-
thren. Frequently the marksman in his eagerness moves, a stone falls
down from the parapet, and the startled herd scamper off to the desert
again ; but they must soon return. As the poor animal which has been
once scared returns half dead with fear and thirst to the dangerous spot,
you can hear its heart beating. Slowly, and step by step, frequently stop-
ping and looking round, it at length has neared the water : it stoops to
drink : the muzzle of the gun is within a few inches of its head : before one
sip has been taken, a bullet has pierced its brain.

Wild asses are not common in that part of the desert I traversed ; they
are said to be found in great numbers, in herds of two or three hundred,
on the plains west of Seistan.

The soil of Seistan is celebrated for its richness, and many incredible
stories were told me of its productiveness. From this ferti-
lity it might be supposed that Seistan was a garden, — it is
a desert rather. With the exception of wheat, cotton (the plant of
which is not half the height of the Indian one, but which bears a large
pod) and in some places rice, and a little ill flavoured tobacco, and a few of
the coarser grains, bajra, &c. almost the only plants found there are grasses
and water-melons. The latter are singularly fine and large, and of several
kinds ; there are no artificial grasses, no vegetables, nor flowers. The larg-
est tree is a sickly pomegranate. If a Seistani is asked " why don't you
make gardens?" he will answer, "We don't know how." Were the people
less ignorant and lazy, their country would produce every plant which
grows in Candahar or Persia, besides probably sugar-cane, and many of
the productions of Hindoostan ; there is no reason why trees should not
flourish here. The Gurmsehl was equally destitute of them a few years
ago, but some 1200 young mulberry trees were imported there by a chief,
and the country is now well stocked with them.

The climate of Seistan is decidedly unfavourable to human life, and the
small proportion of old men struck us forcibly. Fever and
ague is the prevailing disease, as might be expected from
the immense quantity of stagnant water, to which is superadded the
bad eff'ects of hot days and generally cold nights. From the constant high
wind and the dust it raises, mixed with particles of salt, or from general ill
health, consequent on malaria, one man in five throughout the country
has diseased eyes. Nature indeed, as respects comfort, has little favoured

1840.] Sketch of the Physicat Geography of Seistan. 725

Seistan, and for three months of the year only, the cold months (16), can life
in it be said to be enjoyed. (17)

Note on the Map.

Any merits, which the map may be judged to possess, should be
attributed to Sergeant Cameron, who surveyed the whole route, except
that part of it which lies between Seistan and Killah Beest, for the errors
of which I alone am responsible. (18)

The survey has been made only with the compass, but a flat country,
with hills interspersed at long intervals is so easily laid down, we had so
many well determined points d'appui, and our numerous bearings answer-
ed so perfectly, that I feel confident of there being no error of consequence
in the portion of the map over which our route lay.

From Gerishke to Herat the route has been taken from Capt. Lander's
survey.

The villages in the valley of Furrah are placed from native information.
During our stay in that valley there was a thick haze which prevented the
taking of a bearing.

The determining what shape to give to the Hamoon, which has a
different shape every month of the year, was a point of much doubt and
difficulty ; the one adopted is that we believe the lake to assume in June,
when the water retires from overflowing the surrounding country to its
more natural and proper bed. Under these circumstances all that can be
hoped for, or expected, is an approximation to the truth, but the only part

] 6 The cold weather is very pleasant, and similar to that of the north-west of Hindoostan. Snow
has been known to fall in Seistan, but it is a rare and remarkable occurrence. Snow lies for five or
six days during the winter at Herat. Its boundary is said to be the height of Shah Bed, but it not
unfrequently snows at Hilzawar. About two years ago an army from Candahar invaded Herat ;
while it was encamped at Jaja a fall of snow surprised them, which was so severe that they lost
several hundred horses.

1 7 In apology for the many omissions of this imperfect paper, I may mention that it is only a part
of a more comprehensive memoir, which I am drawing up on the subject of Seistan.

18 The untimely end of Sergeant Cameron has been already made public. This man, the son of
a respectable builder of Perth, after his return from Seistan accompanied me in a journey through
some before unexplored parts of the Eusafzye country. I cannot speak too highly of his zeal for
science, industry, ready talents, and gentlemanly deportment. His health failed him in Seistan,
from whence to the Helmund, we were obliged to have him carried on a bed. Afterwards he rallied

iin, but his disease, consumption, was latterly gaining upon him, and I do not think that under
any circumstances, he could have lived many months longer. As he was too weak to travel except
slowly, I left him at Peshawer to follow at his leisure, and myself went on in advance with a few
horsemen to Jelalabad. He had a strong guard with him, and had nearly reached the end of the
Khyber pass. Unsuspicious of danger, he had dropped a little in rear of his party, when on a
sudden he found himself surrounded by sixty men, while sixty others appeared on the hill above
him. Seeing that resistance was hopeless, he dismounted, and drawing his sword, presented it
to the nearest of the robbers. Just at that moment a stone struck him on the head and knocked
l»im down ; the ruffians in their blind fury rushed on him, and cut him to pieces with their knives.

4z

726 Sketch of the Physical Geography of SeiStan, [No. 103.

of the Hamoon regarding which I do not feel satisfied, is to the south,
where we have fewer opportunities of checking our information.

It is a source of much regret that we did not visit Zirreh; ignorant
of the geography of the country, we were not aware of our having
travelled away from it, till it was too late to repair the error ; and as that
part of Seistan is now uninhabited and rarely visited, it was difficult to get
any satisfactory account of its present condition.

Of all the places inserted in the map which did not come under our
personal observation, the relative positions alone can be depended on.
The distances from one spot to another are in many instances doubtful, if
not conjectural.

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

{Wednesday Evening, 1th October, 1840.)

The Honorable Sk E. Ryan, President, in the Chair.

The following gentlemen proposed at the last Meeting, were elected Members of
the Society : —

M. P. Edgeworth, Esq. Capt. W. Loveday, ditto.

Capt. T. HuTTON, 37th Kegt. N. I. Dr. J. D. D. H^berlin.

Library and Museum.
The following Books, &c. were presented : —

Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia ; History of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway,
vol. 3.

Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, by Professor Jameson, 1840, No. 56,

London and Edinburgh Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science, No.
104, May 1840, London, 3d Series.

Yarrell's History of British Birds, London, May 1840, 18.

Oriental Christian Spectator, August 1840, 2nd Series, vol. 1st, No. 8th.

Journal des Savans, Janvier, Fevrier, Mars. 1840, Paris.

Bulletin de la Societe' de Geographic, Paris, 1839, 2nd Series, Tome 12, 8vo.

Christian Observer, new Series, vol. 1st, No. 10.

Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, New Series, vol. 9th, No. 17. '

Sketch of the Country between Kurrachee and the Aghar River, MSS.

Sketch shewing the situation of the Coals found in the Tenasserim Provinces.

Sree Vhagavat (Purana) in Deva Nagari, 4to.

Corrected Copy in Deva Nagari Character from the original in the Journal.

Four Pooties in Sanscrit.
A tin box of forged Seals presented by A, Grant, Esq. Collector of Delhi, forwarded
by H. M. ELI.IOT, Esq,

1840.] Asiatic Society. 7'27

Catalogue of the Birds of the Peninsula of India, by T. C. Jerdon, Madras, 1839.

Rapport fait a L' Academic Royale des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres (Institut de
France) au subject du pied Romain, Juin 1835.

A Code of Laws extracted for the Armenians of the province of Ararat in Armenia,
in Armenian, presented by J. Avdall, Esq.

Annals of Natural History, or Magazine of Zoology, Botany, and Geology, No. 31,
June 1840.

Vishnu Purana, translated by H. H. Wilson, London, 1840, 4to.

Les Sultans Mamlouks de Makrize traduction de M. Quatremere. Paris 1840, Tome
1st. Liv. 2nd, 4to.

Museum.

Skeleton of an Ostrich, presented by the Honorable Sir Jasper Nicolls, pre-
pared in the Museum.

Ditto of a Vulture, purchased, and prepared in ditto.
Specimens of Sponge, presented by Col. D. Macleod.
Several impressions of Seals.
♦

The following Works were presented.

Memoir on the length of an ancient Standard measure of the Roman foot, discovered
at Candabie, in Normandy.

Notices, of the Galla Tribe at Limmon, on the frontier of Abyssinia,
also presented to the Society by M. Jomard, President of the Royal Geographical
Society at Paris, and Member of the French Institute, \fQxe forwarded by Major T. B.
Jervis, of the Bombay Engineers. That officer in forwarding them, writes—" Which
gives me an occasion of offering a few words on the importance to British interest of
securing the good will of a people situated so favourably for throwing in supplies in
any case of emergency into Aden, and the facilities the country affords of providing
suitable cattle (a large and powerful description of mules) at a very reasonable rate,
for the Horse Artillery of India.

" I cannot but express my surprise, that so little concern has been given to the
country which several foreign powers are striving by any means, and no doubt with
other than mere commercial views, to preoccupy. — The French Government, as may
be judged from this little notice, have long had their eye on it; and since that period
Messrs. D'Abbadie, freres, have been deputed to explore its resources, and are now in
or about the neighbouring coast. Messrs. Isenberg and Krapft, Germans of the
London Missionary Society, have their residence in Abyssinia, and a Mr. Ayrston is
also exploring the country on his own, or what account I know not. It would be well
to occupy it by some moderate, able person in the capacity of British Agent, were it
only for the purpose of protecting a lucrative trade that might be carried on by
British subjects, and which is now altogether in American hands; while it would serve
as a general sort of watch tower to keep an eye on the iniquitous traffic in slaves from
Zanguebar, Mozambique, and Madagascar, with the shores of Arabia and Egypt.
Moohummud Alee, who draws thence the larger portion of the slaves sold in the mar-
kets of Cairo and Alexandria, was not insensible to the political importance of the
Galla country, and the shores to the east of it."

728 Asiatic Society. [No. 103.

A memorandum of assets was submitted by the Officiating Secretary, as pre-
pared by Mr. W. H. Bolst, Assistant and Accountant, shewing at credit of
the Society in the Bank of Bengal, .. .. .. .. Rs. 3,916

Outstanding bills to the 2nd quarter of 1840 for contributions from
members, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rs. 5,096

ZJowfi^/TM^— Parties being absent in England, &c. .. ., 1,168

Irrecoverable — Parties being dead, ,. .. .. 304 1,472

Rs. 3,624

Add contributions for the 3rd. quarter of 1840, just due and realizable,

about,.. Rs. 2,400

In course of realization, Rs. 6,024

Read the following letter and list of land and fresh water shells for the East India
Company's Museum, by Dr. J. T. Pearson.

To the Officiating Secretary to the Asiatic Society.

*' Sir, — Having seen in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, an extract of a letter
from Dr. Horsfield, in which he states that the Museum of the E. I. Company con-
tains but few specimens of the Zoology of the continent of India; I have the honour
to request you will obtain for me the favour of the Society transmitting to that gentle-
man, the accompanying fifty species of the land and fresh water shells of this country ;
to be presented on my part to the above mentioned Museum.

" I am induced to prefer this request, from the bad fortune which has hitherto attended
my private efforts to send specimens to England ; having had no news of not less than
three consignments to the late Secretary to the Zoological Society, Mr. Bennett (in
his private capacity, however,) to Mr. Swainson, and to Dr. Traill, from which cir-
cumstance I am induced to think they were not delivered.

" Accompanying the specimens is a list, with such remarks of their locality, &c., as
I thought might be useful.

'* As the specimens are for the most part fragile, you will oblige me by taking great
care in handling them, should they be inspected by the Society. I must also add, in
excuse for the few specimens of each species, that I lost a considerable portion of my
collection ; but hope to be able hereafter to forward a greater number.

'* If the Society will allow me, I propose to forward through them, a series of speci-
mens of the other branches of the Zoology of these mountains to the E. I. Company's
Museum, as I have opportunity for collecting them. I have, &c. &c.

J. T. PEARSON.

List of land and fresh water shells for the E. I. Company's Museum, from As-
sistant Surgeon J. T. Pearson. — Darjeelingy lOth April, 1840.

1.— Unio bilinearis — Benson.— Found in a tank on the Esplanade of Fort William.

2. — Unio favidens— Benson. — Found in running streams, and common in most
rivulets in India.

3. — Unio maigmalis.— — — — Common in tanks of stagnant water, and less so in
rivulets.

4.— Cyclostoma involvalus.—SovERLY.— Common in the Rajhmahl hills, and atj
Midnaporc.

1840.] Asiatic Society » 729

5. — Cyclostoma involvalus. — Soverly. — Found at Cherra Poonjee, and in the Dar-
jeeling district of the Himalya mountains. At Darjeeling it is of the smaller size,
but lower down, at an elevation of not more than 2,500 to 4,000 feet, they are much
larger — as large again as those sent; but I have not a good specimen of this large
variety. Mr. Benson is of opinion this species is the same as No. 4.

6. — Cyclostoma Found also at Darjeeling, but not very common.

7. — Pterocyclos hispidum peaugo. — From the Garrow Hills. I described this and
the following shell in the Journal of the Asiatic Society for November 1833, under the
name of Spiraculum hispidum ; a generic name, which out of deference to Mr.
Benson's authority as a conchologist (independent of his prior claim) I think it
right to withdraw.

8. — Pterocyclos parvus, — Pearson. — Locality as the last species.

9.— Pterocyclos rupestris.— Benson. — Found in the Rajhmahl hills. The first spe-
cies of the genus discovered by Mr. Benson.

10. — Helix • Found at Darjeeling. The only live specimen I have yet met

with.

11. — Melania varialilis. — Benson. — Found in Tolly's Nullah, near Calcutta. It
was also in the Sylhet and Cherra Poonjee collection, which I purchased jointly with
the Asiatic Society.

12. — Melania stephanus. — Benson. — In the above mentioned collection.

13. — Melania zonata. — Benson. — In the above collection.

14.— Melania coricca?— Gray. — ditto, ditto.

15. — Melania Found in tanks and rivulets of Bengal.

16. — Melania ditto, ditto, ditto.

17. — Melania ditto, ditto, ditto.

18. — Melania ditto, ditto, ditto.

19. — Paludina bengalensis. ditto, ditto.

20. — Paludina crassa. — Inhabits the rivers &c. of India.

21.— Paludina pulchella. — From the Sylhet collection.

22.— Paludina ditto, ditto, ditto.

23.— Lymncea I discovered this species in a tank on the road from Howrah io

Bishop's College, near Calcutta.

24 — Lymncea Common in stagnant waters all over India.

25. — Planosbis indicus. — ditto, ditto, ditto.

26.— Vitrina gigus. From the Sylhet collection.

27.— Helix Bengal.

28.— Helix From the Sylhet collection.

29.— Helix

30.— Helix

31.— Helix

32.— Helix

33.— Neritina depressa.— Benson.— Found on the piles on the banks of the river
Hoogly at Calcutta.

34.— Neritina tigrina.— Benson.— Locality as the last species.

35.— Neritina I am not sure that this species is described. I found it adhering

to stones, at low water, in Tolly's Nullah.

36.— Assaminia fusicata ?— Common on the banks of the Hoogly.

• ditto,

ditto,

ditto.

ditto,

ditto.

ditto.

ditto,

ditto.

ditto.

ditto,

ditto.

ditto.

730 Asiatic Society. [No. 103.

37.— Nematura ?— Found in the aqueduct leading from the Hoogly to the Course,
Calcutta.
38.— Scarabus triangularis.— Benson.— On the banks of the Hoogly at Calcutta.
39.— Clausilia loxastonia. — Benson.

40.— Pupa Found in advance in the sands on the banks of the Ganges

near the mouth of the Goorutee, but I did not meet with a single live specimen. They
appear to have been washed down and cast among the weeds, &c.

41.— Bulminus. Found at Darjeeling.

42.— Achatinia. Common in Bengal. I regret I have not a better spe-
cimen than the one sent.

43.— Navicella compressa.— Benson.— Found on the piles on the banks of the
Hoogly near Calcutta. I have but one specimen left, which will account for the
inj ured state of that sent.

44. — Navecella tessellata. — Lemarck. — Locality as the last.

45. — Cerithissa sulcatum. — Lemarck. — Estuaries of the rivers of Bengal.

46.— Cerithissa ditto, ditto, ditto.

47.— Cerithissa ditto, ditto, ditto.

48. Found in the aqueduct mentioned under 37.

49. — Modiola Found in Tolly's Nullah, adhering to stones, &c., by a

string byssus. I think it a new and undescribed species.

50. , Found in the sands of the Ganges, &c. Besides the above, a

bottle containing the shells with the animals of Cyclostoma incrolubus, Heritina de-
pressa, and Tigrina and Pteroclos rupestris.

Read a letter from J. H. Batten, Esq. of the C. S. enclosing one from Captain
HuDDLESTONE, giving copies of an apparent inscription engraved on a Chobootra at
Dewulghur in Ghurrawul, with a drawing of the Chobooti'a. Dewulghur is situated
about 10 miles east from Sreenuggur, at some height above the valley of the Ulluk-
nunder river, and possesses a rather handsome temple and establishment. Next to the
showy shrines of Buddinath, Kedranath, &c. Dewulghur, is the chief religious esta-
blishment in Ghurrawul.

The character of this inscription, which is represented by Captain Huddlestone
as extending throughout the whole of the Chobootra, and the carving is said to be ex-
ceedingly elaborate, appears to be a Toghra in the Sanscrit character, but none of the
Pundits to whom it has been shewn, nor Mr. Csoma de Korosi have as yetsucceeded in
decyphering any portion of it. The character would appear to be unique, and should
the specimen now furnished continue to baffle our attempts at its interpretations the
Officiating Secretary proposes to publish a facsimile of it, and invite the attention of
the readers of the Journal to a consideration of this curious variety of character.

Read a letter from Dr. Chapman, H. M's. 16th Lancers, on the subject of the
reading to be adopted on the legend of the so-called Demetrius Mayes' Coins. The
Officiating Secretary expressed his regret at not having been able to publish some
, very interesting speculations by Dr. Chapman on Bactrian numismatics, in consequence
of his unfortunately not having it in his power to procure accurate and creditable
lithographs of the casts of coins which accompanied that gentleman's paper. The
same impediment had prevented him from publishing a collection of gems by the
same contributor; but he trusted to be able very shortly to overcome this difficulty.

1840.] Asiatic Society. - 731

Read a letter from Captain T. S. Burt, of Engineers, of which the following is an
extract : —

" On the third page I have the pleasure to send you some information which the
Rev. Mr. Pratt has kindly favored me with; by noticing the existence of the pillar
in your Journal, it may be discovered and an old character on it besides, for I should
doubt any one having dug down to its base, buried as it is 21 feet below ground,
notwithstanding what the Oriental Repository says on the subject. I brought to notice a
pillar at Patna with some antique writing upon it in the March number of the Journal
Vol. III. for 1834, but I cannot think it means this one. Sir Charles Wilkins found
one some where in the neighbourhood of Pa|pa also, and translated the inscription
found upon it in, I think, the 1st Vol. A. R. but as well as I recollect, that was at
Buddal not Singea.

'' Extract from Oriental Repository, Vol. 2, 1808.

** The plate of an ancient column near Singea in Bahar, was obligingly communi-
cated by Mr. Thomas Collinson. In the letter dated 15th February 1793, he says —
This singular column is situated on the site of an obscure village in the neighbour-
hood of Singea in the province of Bahar, of which no traces whatever with respect to
its establishment are to be derived either from oral tradition oi the existing legends
of former times; nor is there any inscription discoverable on any part of the column,
though it has been carefully examined many feet below the surface of the earth.

" Note. — Some foolish travellers have cut their names upon it, but it is to be hoped
this impertinence will be soon effaced from the column, and I would not let the copper
plate be a record of their folly. The whole of the shaft is said to be one entire piece.
It is of greyish stones or marble (?) The lion on the capital is of the same material,
but what renders the subject still more extraordinary, is, that 4here is not a stone
to be found within 150 miles of the spot, or such an animal as the one described
within the circle of our dominions — consequently, but little known to the natives.
The sculptural decorations bear no similitude to the works either of the Hindoo, or
Musulman artists.

" Dimensions. ft. in.

Shaft, an entire stone, 44 0

Ditto sunk, 21 0

Ditto above ground, . , 23 0

Diameter at ground, 41

Ditto under capital, ., ., 35

Height of capital without the lion, 3 0

Table on which the lion sits, 0 10

Ditto long, 4 6

Ditto broad, ., 3 10

Height of lion from paw to ear, 5 4

" Lion and Capital one stone,

(" 1792. Signed) D. C-"

It was suggested that early occasion should be taken to invite research upon the
interesting subject mentioned by Captain Burt.

Read a letter from Dr. H. Falconer, with impressions of gems from Affghanistan.

Read a letter from J. Avdall, Esq. forwarding a Memoir of Mechitharghosh, the
Armenian Legislator for the Journal of the Asiatic Society.

732 Asiatic Society. [No. 103.

Read a letter from Captain T. P. Cautley, forwarding a Memorandum on the
Fossil Camelidae of the Sewalik range. This paper was published in No. 102 of the
Journal.

Read a letter from Captain F. Macgrath, Commanding the Arracan Local
•Battalion to the address of the Secretar)-, apprizing him of his having dispatched to his
address, to be disposed of as would appear most expedient, a fine specimen of that rare
and curious animal, the Sand Hog of Arracan. This animal was taken in the hills
above the Koladyne river (vide Dr. Evans' Memoir Asiatic Society's Journal,
August, 1838, No. 80.) Captain Macgrath, gives the following account of the
local name of the animal, and the habits-«f this specimen now supplied by him —

" The Mugs call this animal Quado Waitdoo, this interpreted signifies an animal
between a pig and a dog, or more literally partaking of the character of both. I got
this creature about two months since, when he had not a tooth, and was fed on milk
with cotton ; as he grew up he took to eating cooked fish and even meat, also getting
under the Bungalow and groping for worms and insects. He used to run about the
house quite tame, and has never been confined day or night; his courage is great, and
indeed if it is not guarded against, he will be meeting his death in consequence, for he
will attack a dog, who with one gripe would destroy him; in fact he has no fear."

The Officiating Secretary informed the Meeting that he had taken upon himself to
present the animal to the Menagerie at Barrackpore in the name of the Society, to
whom he considered it had been virtually presented by Captain Macgrath, and he
had great satisfaction in stating that the animal had thrived exceedingly well where
he was now placed, and that there was every reason to anticipate his attaining his
full growth without accident.

It was proposed by the Honorable W. W. Bird, and seconded by Dr.
Wallich, when the subject of the choice of a permanent Curator was agitated, that
Mr. Blyth, in whose favor Professor Wilson had furnished Sir E. Ryan with the
highest testimonials, should be invited to this country for the purpose of assuming the
permanent duties of the Office, and that in the mean time arrangements should be
made for securing efficient supervision over the afiairs of the Museum, by employment
of a gentleman of due qualifications, whose services might be now available in
Calcutta. In pursuance of this determination, arrangements were made subsequently
to the Meeting by which the services of Mr. H. Piddington were secured as tem-
porarily in charge of the Curatorship.

It was proposed by Sir E. Ryan, that a Standard Barometer among the collection
of Instruments belonging to the late Mr. James Prinsep, his Cabinet of Minerals,
his Comparative Barometer, and instrument for effecting correction of atmospheric
changes, should be proposed to Government as proper to be purchased for the general
purposes of science, and placed in the Society's Rooms for general reference by the
public, and the Officiating Secretary was directed to address Government on the
subject accordingly.

For the above presentations and contributions the thanks of the Society were ac-
corded.

JOURNAL

OP THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Points in the History of the Greek, and Indo-Scythian Kings
in Bactria, Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering
the ancient legends on their coins. By Christian Lassen,
Bonn, 1838.»

Here we must try to supply Strabo^s brevity by other accounts.
I ascribe to Menandros the subduing of Pattalene and Syrastrene.
Strabo makes no mention of these districts as conquests of Me-
nandros beyond those of Alexander's expedition, because Alex-
ander had advanced to Pattalene, therefore in this direction to
the sea-coast. This interpretation is proved probable by the
well known passage in the Periplus,* according to which, coins
of Menandros and ApoUodotos were still in use during the Ro-
man era in Barygaza. To Demetrius we must assign the conquest
of Ariana, viz. the country of the Paropamisades and Arachosia ',
this is the opinion already formed by Bayer, f on the autho-
rity of Isidor of Charax, who mentions among the towns of
Arachosia, ^apcra-ya ttoXiq, Kai Ar/jur/TjOeac ttoXiq, eira 'AXe^av-
OjOOTToXtc, ixr]TpQTro\iQ^ KpayjiyGiaq, icrri S' 'EXXr/v/?. This (town
of Demetrius) was probably built by him. But when Bayer
thinks Demetrius also founded a town on the borders of the
Hydaspes, because Ptolemy says of ^ayaXa i] Kai EvOv/mii^ia

^ Continued from p. 676. vol. ix.
• p. 1 7. Huds. t p. 84.

No. 104. New Series, No. 20. 5 ^

734 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

(ed-f<f^ta) the clue is fallacious. We shall not indeed reject
the excellent conjecture^ that EvOu^r^^ta is to be read^ and that
the town was named after Euthydemos^ but why should no one
except Demetrius so name a town ?

If our remarks above made to the effect^ that the Greeks in
Bactria previously to the year 200 b. c.^ possessed no territory
whatever to the south of the Indian Caucasus be correct^ the fol-
lowing arrangement of our known facts suggests itself. When
Euthydemos was relieved from the attacks of Antiochos^ he
made an invasion^ either in person or through his son, Demetrios,
of the countries to the south of the Caucasus; here he must
have first encountered the Paropamisades. Arachosia bounds on
them on the westward, and from thence Demetrios most probably
endeavoured to reconquer his paternal inheritance. That here
was the main site of his power, is confirmed by the name of the
town, Demetrias, and this likewise explains why we have but
so few coins of his ; they must be looked for in Candahar.

His dominion in western Cabulistan and Arachosia sufficient-
ly explains the title, ^^ King of the Indians. '^ Demetrios, however,
pretends, by the adoption of elephants as trophies, to victories
over India Proper, and we have no ground for denying his right
to them.

It is true, those victories would prove hardly probable, if
Menandros were his cotemporary, as Mr. Mueller thinks.*
But he takes Strabo^s words in a too literal sense, while they,
as the passage plainly shows, are intended only as general expres-
sions. The coins at least afford no proof that both were cotem-
poraries.f

The chronological tables to be obtained for the history of
Bactria, can only result from a comparison of all the passages
relative to this inquiry.

* p. 209.
t I drew no conclusion for my assertion from the non-existence
of the Cabulian letters on the coins of Demetrios, as this may be accounted
for by his governing countries more to the westward, where the use of
those letters was not so common as in Cabul. It is, however, the most
probable supposition that he did not use Cabulian letters, because his
successors had the first idea of adopting them (on their coins.)

1840.] fro7n Bad rian and I ndo- Scythian coins. 735

The principal passage on Eukratides is the following,
Justin xLi. 6. ^^ Eodem ferme tempore, sicuti in Parthis
Mithridates, ita in Bactris Eucratides, magni uterque viri,
regna ineunt. Sed Parthorum fortuna felicior ad summum hoc
duce imperii fastigium eos perduxit. Bactriani autem, per varia
bella jactati, non regnum tantum, verum etiam libertatem amise-
runt ; siquidem Sogdianorum, et Arachotorum, et Drangianorum
Indorumque bellis fatigati, ad postremum ab invalidioribus
Parthis, veluti exsangues, oppressi sunt. Multa tamen Eucratides
bella magna virtute gessit, quibus attritus, quum obsidionem
Demetrii regis Indorum pateretur, cum trecentis militibus
sexaginta millia hostium assiduis eruptionibus vicit. Quinto
itaque mense libera tus, Indiam in potestatem redegit. Unde quum
se reciperet, a filio, quem socium regni fecerat, in itinere inter-
ficitur, qui non dissimulato parricidio, velut hostem, non patrem,
interfecisset, et per sanguinem ejus currum egit, et corpus
abjici insepultum jussit/^

First we remark on this passage, that the whole does not refer
to Eukratides, namely not that part in which the reasons for
the decline and the downfall of the Bactrian empire are enume-
rated. Throughout the whole passage one idea pervades, viz. that
the fate of both empires, the Parthian and the Bactrian, was
identical in the simultaneous accession to power of two great
monarchs, but opposite in the simultaneous progress of one, to
the highest pitch of power ; of the other, to total destruction.
Under the impression of this leading idea, the author suddenly
turns to relate the circumstances which weakened and eventually
ruined the empire of Bactria, namely, the wars with the neigh-
bouring nations ; this is an important notice, as involving a fact
hitherto entirely overlooked, which is, that the detached kingdoms
of Drangiana, Arachosia, and India, existed cotemporaneously
together with that of Bactria. But it does not follow, that all the
wars Eukratides was engaged in, must be the very same, which
the Bactrians waged with the Drangians, Arachosians, and
Indians, or, in other words, it is not necessary, that the three
nations, now mentioned, must have formed independent states
before Eukratides, as they may also have become independent
after his murder. Moreover, if we may be allowed to follow a

736 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104,

clue not wholly authentic^ these kingdoms must have originated
after Demetrius ; for supposing Demetrius king of Arachosia^
and that he was here called king of the Indians also^ Justin could
not separate Arachosia from India in speaking of a time when
both countries still obeyed Demetrius. I therefore suspect^ that
immediately after the overthrow of this king, Eukratides took
possession of Demetrios^ Indian dominions, while Arachosia
and Drangiana, likewise subject to Demetrios, became indepen-
dent states under their own Satraps. On this supposition the
wars by which Bactria was so much disorganized as to faU an
easy prey to the Parthians, would have been carried on by the
son of Eukratides against the attacks of the united Drangians,
Arachosians, Indians, and Sogdians.

Under this view the aspect of Bactrian history is so much
changed, that I shall directly mention some facts corroborative
of the above.

First. We know, that Eukratides after having conquered
Demetrios, turned* his arms against the Indus and Hydaspes,
probably therefore, against countries belonging either to Deme-
trios himself, or to a king allied to him.

Secondly. Two kings laid claim to having reigned immediately
after Eukratides, though not in Bactria itself, viz. Antialkides
in western Cabul, and Antimachos in Drangiana -, this latter
on the authority of the coins, which point to a victory at sea.

• Strabo XV. § 3. AttoXXo^w/ooc -yovv o tcl TiapQiKa 7roir\(Taq,
/j,eiJivr}fiivog Kai tCov rriv ^aKTpiavrjv aTro(JTT}(javTii)v EXXrjvwv
irapa twv ^vpiaKUJv jSacrtXfwv rwv aVo SeXcv/cou rov Nikclto-
pog, (j>ri(TL jmlv avrovg av^riOivTag iiriOEdOai Kal ry Iv^iKy,
ovSev ^e TrpoaavaKaXviTTei t'ov irpoTepov kyvojafikvoyv, aXXa
Kal fvavTioXo-ya, TrXctw r?ic 'IvSi/crjc, kKuvovc, rj Ma/ce^ovac,
KaTacTTpexljaQOaL Xfywv. EiVKparidav yovv noXeig -^iXiag v(j>'
iavTw £\£tv, EKsivovg S' avra Tap, era^v eOvrj tovte Y^affirov Kai
Tov Ynaviog, tov dpiOpov svvca, ttoXeic rd a'^uv irevraKigyi-
XiaQf K, T. X. 'This cannot be but a contradiction of Apollodoros him-
self. Groskurd'a Erdbeschr. Strabo III. 109.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 737

In these countries this could have only taken place on the great
lake of the Drangians. Both kings first assume the title vi/c>?^opoc,
and are founders of empires by successful wars ; chronology there-
fore admitting^ (on this hereafter,) we may justly attribute to
Antimachos the foundation of the Drangian, and to Antialkides
that of the Arachosio-Cabulian empires ; the foundation of the
Indian empire must then belong to a third king.

If there were only one Eukratides, the coins with Cabulian le-
gends, and the title of great king, must be ascribed to the for-
tunate, though short, epoch of his life, when his reign extended
to the Hydaspes. I say short, because he fell by the hand of
his son at the very moment of his return. If there were two
Eukratides, those coins belong to the second.

We have before this, doubted the existence of Eukratides II,
as far as it was inferred from the coins. We have now to exa-
mine the passages of authors adduced in his favour. According
to Bayer^s assertion, Eukratides is spoken of in a way unsuited
to the victorious king of this name ; he thinks, that the son
had put to death his father, because he protected the Parthians,
who assisted him against Demetrius. But all that we learn
concerning the relations of both empires, never shows a friendly,
but on the contrary an entirely hostile intercourse. We will
not lose our time in conjectures as to the motives of that crime.

The passages which are said to afford the argument mentioned,
are the following : — Strabo xi, 9, 2. a^eiXovro (the Parthians)
Se Koi rric BaKvpiavrig fikpoq j3ia<7a^£VOt rovq ^KvBai;, Kai hri
TTporepov Tovg ir^pi ^vKpari^av.

This passage must be explained by the statement, above men-
tioned, that the Parthians had deprived Eukratides of two of the
Bactrian Satrapies, Turiva and the Aspiones ; they afterwards took
from the Scythians either this or another northern part of the
Bactrian empire ; they took it therefore from the very same Scy-
thians, who under Eu thy demos already threatened an irruption
into Bactria, and who must afterwards have found an opportu-
nity of invading this country. Why might not Mithridates VI.
have availed himself of the siege of Eukratides by Demetrios, in
order to subdue the Turanian Satrapies ? Beyond this passage

738 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

there is no mention whatever of Eukratides^ and we are evident-
ly not necessitated to adopt two kings of this name.

It remains to ascertain the mode of the downfall of the
Bactrian empire. It is ordinarily ascribed to the Scythians^
according to Prolog. Trog. Pom. xli. ^^ Deinde quo repug-
nante Scythae gentes Sarancse^ et Asiani Bactra occupavere, et
Sogdianos.'^ But it is not borne in mind, that while Mithridates
reigned in Parthia, the Scythians had not power sufficient to en-
able them to advance southwards ; under Arsakes VII. indeed,
or Phrahates II, who was killed by the Scythians, this conquest
of Bactria by them may have occurred, whether Arsaces himself
or another Greek king, who re-established himself in Bactria, be
understood under the term of the epitomator : ''quo repugnante.'^
I say who re-established himself, as it is certain, that Mithridates
the Great, had before taken possession of the Bactrian empire,
and governed it till his death. " Bactriani, per varia bella jactati,
non regnum tantum, verum etiam libertatem amiserunt, siqui-
dem — ad postremum ab invalidioribus Parthis, veluti exangues,
oppressi sunt". The term '' weaker, '' refers to the remark Justin
had previously made, that the Parthians were in the beginning of
their power much weaker than the Bactrian s. Mithridates
therefore is the real subverter of the Bactrian empire.

There exist some passages on the conquests of Mithridates
towards Bactria and India, but they require a critical examina-
tion.

According to Diodorus,* who perhaps imagined that king to
have taken possession of the Indian dominion of Eukratides, he
conquered the empire of Porus. Independently of the little
authority of Diodorus, Porus was considered since Alexander's
time as a mere representative of Indian sovereignty, generally
speaking, and it must depend upon other passages, whether those
words mean any more, than that Mithridates extended his power
in that direction. Of much less weight is Orosius, a still later

* Fragm. ed. Bip. X. p. 91. i 'Ap(Ta/c»?€ o jSacrcXeuc ttiv f^acriXdav
Iwi ttXeiov rjv^riae. I^^XP^ "/"P '"''^ IvdiKriQ ^laTtivag, tyiq utto
Tov Tiiopov yfiVOfxkvt\q yjopaq iKvpuvaev aKiv^vvwg,

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 739

authority ; (V. 4) ^^ Omnes praeterea gentes, quae inter Hydaspem
fluvium, et Indum jacent^ subegit Mithridates, ad Indiam quoque
cruentum extendit imperium/' Orosius was possessed of a laud-
able piety, of no great understanding, and rather of a passion for
rhetorical flourishes, than of any desire to attempt critical exact-
ness. What were the many nations between the Hydaspes
and the Indus, and what were they in comparison to the great
empires Mithridates possessed ? The only exact authority,
that of Trogus, certifies merely that Mithridates^ dominion ex-
tended to the Indian Caucasus. Justin xli. 6. ^^ Imperiumque
Parthorum a monte Caucaso, multis populis in ditionem redactis,
usque flumen Euphratem protulit.'^*

If Mithridates had reigned to the south of the Hindookoosh,
coins of him would also have been discovered in the rich mine
at Beghram, moreover the continuance of the Grecian empires
in Cabul and about the Indus, discourages this opinion.

We have above attributed to the Parthians the overthrow
of the Greco-Bactrian empire ; the time of this event may be
determined with tolerable exactness ; Justin xxxvi. i, says of
Demetrios Nicator. " Bellum Parthis inferre statuit, cujus ad-
ventum non inviti Orientis populi videre, et propter Arsacidse
regis Parthorum crudelitatem, et quod veteri Macedonum im-
perio assueti, novi populi superbiam indigne fere bant. Itaque
quum et Persarum, et Elymaeorum, Bactrianorumque, auxiliis
juvaretur, multis proeliis Parthos fudit. Ad postremum tamen,
pacis simulatione deceptus, capitur, etc." This captivity hap-
pened during the j^ear 140 b. c. and as Mithridates died only a
few years after this event, and as to him is expressly ascribed
the conquest of Bactria, this must have occurred about the year
139 B. c. In the foregoing passage, Bactria appears then, for
the last time, as an independent empire in alliance to the Seleu-

* The same is stated in an account, which, though of a later date, is
derived from good authority. Acct. Sancct. ad XXX. Sept. vol. VIII. 3 20.
Ila^^oi £v evTv-^la jug-ytor^ ovreg Kai KparovvTsg rrig rtjv Hep-
(Ttjv (^aaiXeiag Kal Ap/neviuyv Kal 'Iv^wv tiuv yeiTViatovToyv TO^g
ewoig U^paaig, fre §£ t(uv (T/cXij/oorarwv Madaayfrwr.

740 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

cides against Parthia^ whether it were under a son of Eukra-
tides, or a successor of this king. As El^Tnais and Persis alone
are mentioned^ and not Drangiana and Arachosia, the inference
may be admitted^ that the two latter empires were already oc-
cupied by the Parthians.*

One datum only for the more early Bactrian history, may still
be derived from extant authors, the accession of Eukratides.

According to Justin, Eukratides ascended the throne at the
same time with Arsaces VI. ; but the statements and opinions
on this very point are unfortunately very uncertain. Bayer upon
his investigations places the commencement of the reign of both
about 181 B. c.

According to Visconti, Mithridates' accession occurred 165
B. c. (Bayer p. 86, Vise. Iconogr. iii. 70) Here are indeed to
be found reasons for the probability only of the fact, and they
apparently are in Bayer's favour. We perhaps fall into the less
error of the two by adopting the medium between both dates,
175 B. c.f The first expeditions against India under Euthy-
demos, his death, the foundation of an independent king-
dom by his son Demetrios, the expulsion of the Euthyde-
mides from Bactria, either by Eukratides, or by a predecessor
of his, all those events must be assigned to the years 200

* Bayer (p. 90) has thoroughly re%dewed a diificult passage of Orosius
referring to this place.

t Mithridates' accession must not be placed too far down, as he died
at an advanced age "gloriosa senectute,"anditis hkely ascended the throne
early. Another reason for the determination of the foregoing date, is
that the war of Demetrios with Eukratides, must not be fixed at too late
a time. The former, was at the conclusion of a peace between his father
and Antiochus, a youth, about 20 years old. If he now fought in the
55th year of his age with Eukratides for the possession of Bactria, this war
happened 30 years after, 200 b. c. or 170. If our conjecture were correct,
that Antimachos could only have acquired his empire in Drangiana and
in its neighbourhood after the overthrow of Demetrios, this would be
another confirmatory reason. It is not necessary to bring him in direct
parallel with Antiochus IV. ; yet the commencement of his reign cannot be
traced to a later period than 164, but rather to an earlier one; M. R.
R. adopted the year 1 70.

1840.J from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 741

— 175 B. c. Between 175 — 140, according to our foregoing
review of the facts, occurred the overthrow of Demetrios, the
murder of Eukratides, and the reign of his son, or of his suc-
cessors. All is here uncertain, save that the reign of Eukra-
tides must not be extended too far, as he fell in the midst of his
victorious career, and appears to have made only one campaign
in India.*

§ 16.
The Scythians in Bactria,

Euthydemos mentioned to Antiochos as a reason for not over-
weakening his power, that in this case he would not be able to
repel the northern barbarians, and that Antiochos^ own provinces
would run the risk of being inundated by the invading current
of the bai'barian hordes. (Polyb. xi, 34.)

The Bactrian kings had in their palmy days possession of the
country of the Scythians in two directions ; to the east, beyond
the Mustag, the provinces of the Phrunians and Seres, and on
the north towards the Caspian the Satrapies of Turan, and ano-
ther named after Aspiones. Mithridates had taken the latter,
probably when Eukratides fought with Demetrios.

Among the nations in warring with which the Parthian
empire became exhausted, the Sogdians are mentioned ; they can
hardly be Sogdians properly speaking, but rather the Saces, who
had invaded Sogdiana ; Strabo represents them as of that nation,
when he says on the occasion of the great irruption of the Scy*-
thians, that they had started from the country beyond the
Jaxartes, ^^rrJc f^cLTa Sa/cac /cai 2oy^iavouc> hv Karuyov 2a/cai."

They are probably the same Saces from whom Mithridates
took away a part of Bactriaf occupied by them, and who alrea-
dy so early as the days of Herodotus (vii. 64) bordered on
Sogdiana, and whose name was given to all nomad tribes and

* There will be found a great difference between my numbers and those
given by Mr. Mueller (at o. p. 218.) This is no place for a critical com-
parison of both statements ; I beg only to remark, that the reign of 20
years (160-40) Mr. Mueller assigns to Eukratides in India, is as impro-
bable as the reign of 40 years, generally ascribed to him.
t XI, Scyth. § 2.

5b

742 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

people of equestrian habits in Turan. They appear the fore-
most in the series of invading hordes.

The great inroad of these nations is noticed in two passages.
Prolog. Trog. Pompei xli . ^' Deinde quo repugnante Scythiae
gentes Sarancse et Asiani Bactra occupavere, et Sogdianos.'^
Strabo xi. § 2. " MaXi(7ra ^\ yv^pifxoi ysyovaai t(ov vo/uLa^tJv oi
TOvq''FiWr)vag a(j>s\6/j.ivoi ttjv Bafcr/oiavrjv,' Afftoi, Kai llatriavot,
Kal To^apoi, KOL ^aKapavXoi, Kai opjULYidhreg airo ttjc irepaiag
Tov *la^apTOv, Trig Kara Safcac Kol So-ySiavouc, VV Karuyov

aKai, ^

If I now maintain, notwithstanding this latter passage, that it
was not these Scythians, but the Parthians, who destroyed the
Grecian empire in Bactria, the reasons are quite evident. The
Scythians could not conquer it during the reign of Mithridates,
and when they took possession of Bactria, the country was no
longer under the dominion of the Greeks, but of the Parthians,
as the irruption of the Scythians happened at the death of Phra-
hates, about 126 b. c.

Of the four nations mentioned by Strabo, we know nothing
of the Pasians ; the Sakaraules seem to have been a separated
tribe of the Saces ; the Tochares received their kings out of the
nation of the Asianes. (Trog. Pomp-prolog, xlii. " Additaeres
Scythicae, Reges Thocharorum Asiani, interitusque Sarducha-
rum.)^^

We have then more particularly to deal with two nations,
with the Saces and Tochares.

The gradual progress of these nomads over eastern Iran, can
be traced in the Parthian history; having been taken into pay by
Phrahates against Antiochus of Sida, they arrived too late. As now
they received no compensation whatever, and they were led against
no foe, they commenced plundering the Parthian provinces, and
Phrahates fell in a battle against them, 126 b. c. (Justin xlii. 1.)
This year is the real date of the Scythian inroad. The next
king of the Parthians, Artaban, ii. (Arsaces viii) we find
again engaged with the Tochares, and dying of a wound receiv-

* The following words icai tCov Aawv /c. r. X. does evidently not
further refer to this subject.

1840.] from Bactrian and IndO'Sajthian coins, 743

ed in this war.* His son Mithridates fought again^ and with
more success, against the Scythians. Under his reign com-
menced the struggle of the Parthians against Rome, and sup-
posing the Scythians up to that time able to maintain them-
selves in Bactria and Sogdiana, they were then doubtless at
full liberty to assume unrestrained dominion. Nor do we find,
that the Parthians attacked them any more. Sanatroikes, 77
B. c, is placed on the throne by the Scythians, viz. the
Sakaraules ; as was the case with Phrahates IV. when expelled
by his subjects, in the year 37 b. c. f

Ancient writers do not give us the whole detail of the Scythian
settlement in Bactria, nor do we know the name of any of their
kings, any more than the manner in which they divided among
themselves the conquered provinces. Only one notice which
is in fact important, has been preserved ; Isidor of Charax, says,
(p. 9) *Evr£u0fV 2a/ca(TTav?7 Sa^wv ^kvOCjv, t} Kai TlpaiTaKrjvr}.

We observe, as the Saces were the foremost of those nomades,
so did they advance farthest to the south and west ; they had
occupied the Drangian Praitakene, while the Tochares, under
the Asianian kings, settled themselves perhaps nearer to the
eastern and northern frontier. J

We must not here neglect receiving such illustrations as we
are offered by Chinese authorities on the emigration of these
Scythians, although the author of this treatise could not direct-
ly compare those authorities, and is aware of the confusion
caused by Chinese misconstruction of names. But these ac-

* I. C. xLii. 2. As the Thochares are distinguished from the Scythians,
these latter appear to be the Sakaraules. Scythse, depopulata Parthia,
in patriam revertuntur. Sed Artabanus bello Thogariis (sic) illato, etc.

t I. C. XLII. 5. Appian. Mithrid. 104.

X A Median Paraitakene was between Persepolis and Ecbatana, Arrian.
Anab. iii, 19. Ptolm. vi, 4. Diodor. xix. 34. Strabo xvi, init. Beside
this a Sogdian town of the same name, Arrian iv, 21, which was also
named Gabaza and Babakene. Curtius viii, 14, 17. Zmpt. eastwards of
Karatag towards the lofty Belurtag. Thirdly, that above mentioned between
Drangiana, Cabul, and Arachosia. Ptolemy calls it Tatakene, perhaps
country of the Tatas? vi, 19. In Paraitakene lies the old Persian Paruta,
hill, these hills are the Kohistan of modern Persian geography.

744 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

counts however afford the great advantage of having originated
with a nation, which had entered upon various relations with
those Scythians, and was informed by embassies of their cir-
cumstances.*

These accounts however require a critical examination in va-
rious points, and even here, though only limiting myself to the
most remarkable facts, I cannot quite omit this task.

The Yuetchi, a nomad tribe of inner Asia first appear in
the upper Hoangho, whence they are repelled by the grooving
power of the Hioungnus ; one sept* called the little, turn south-
wards to Tibet ; the larger division bearing the name of the
great, set out farther westwards to the countries beyond the
Jaxartes; this event happened in the first half of the second
century before our era.f This division originally consisted of
five hordes.

In the country recently occupied by them, they fall in with
the people of an earlier emigration, called the Szus, Sais, Ses,
also nomades under some petty chiefs. This tribe is forced to
retire further west, and as the Yuetchis conquered new pastures
on the borders of the Hi, the Szus must have been removed to
the Jaxartes. In these Szus the Saces have been long ago
recognized 5 this corresponds with the fact, that the Saces had

* The most important facts are already put together by De Guignes :
" Sur quelques 6v6nements qui concernent I'histoire des Rois Grecs de
la Bactriane et particuli^rement la destruction de leur Royaume par les
Scythes, etc" in Memoires de 1' Academic Roy ale des inscriptions et belles
lettres. Tome XXV. II. p. 17. Abel Remusat has supplied information of
this kind in some writings, viz. in the " Recherches Tartares," in his
" Melanges," in his " notes to Foe Koue Ki". Klaproth in the " Tableaux
Historiques de I'Asie." It is true, great mistakes have been pointed out
in the work of De Guignes with respect to his interpretation of Chinese
names ; but he is not prepossessed, as his successors are, by the monoma-
nia of recognising in the Chinese accounts German tribes in inner Asia, as
Goths, Getes, Jutes, Juetes, Jits, and Jats. The reading Yueti instead
Yuetchi, originates in this visionary idea, and the Russian Sinolog, father
Hyacinth, who was not acquainted with this beautiful discovery, quietly
continued writing Yuetchi.

t De Guignes, p. 21. Klaproth, p. 57. p. 132. Remusat to Fog K.
p. 83. The year 163 b. c. is mentioned.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 745

already, before the destruction of the Parthian empire, taken
possession of a part of Sogdiana. This era likewise agrees with
the fact above mentioned, that the Sogdians had contributed
their share in weakening the power of the Bactrian empire ; this
event must therefore have happened in the latter days of Eukra-
tides, or in the time of his successor, posterior to 160 b. c.

The Yuetchis remained not long in the possession of their
new country ; another nation, the Ousun, flying from the
Hioungnus, deprived them of those districts ; the Yuetchis
ejecting the Sssus^ occupied the provinces possessed by them;
the SzuSf pushed to the south, find an opportunity of taking
possession of the country Kipin; the Yuetchis, following in
their wake, take the country of the Tahia.^ A Chinese general,
Tchamkiao, accompanied this expedition of the Yuetchis, and
the well ascertained event occurred immediately previous to
the year 126 b. c.

This is the very year in which Phrahates was killed by
the Scythians ; the Yuetchis and the Szus flying from them,
are therefore the Tochares and Saces of western writers, whom
Phrahates is reported to have taken into pay. These mercenaries
were perhaps at first the Szus, and we indeed find Artaban
opposed to the Tochares. Whether the Szus were driven into
Bactria, according to the Chinese account, or called into that
country as according to Justin, both statements may be right as
regards their immediate narrative. Phrahates wished to avail
himself of the Scythians, pressed into his neighbourhood, to
strengthen his army. While Mithridates, ^^ ultor injuriae paren-
tum,^^ arrested for some time, it appears, the progress of those
Scythians.

The Yuetchis divided the conquered districts according to the
number of their hordes, into five parts ; they had the country
of the Asi, or Ansi, whom De Guignes reads Gansi, as their
western frontier ; it is as appears probable correctly interpreted
as the country of the Parthians.f

* De Guignes, p. 22. p. 23. Kl. p. 133. R6m. p. 83.
t Rem. p. 83. De Guign. p. 23. Kl. p. 133.

746 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

Turning to the Szus who had conquered Kipin, we have already-
defined generally the situation of this country, which will become
still clearer from the reports on the Szus. (De Guign. p. 29.)
The country Kaofu, it is said, is very extensive ; the inhabi-
tants resemble the Indians in manners, and character, being
rather mercantile, than warlike. Previous to their latter subjec-
tion under the Yuetchis, one part belonged to the Indian kings,
another to the Ansi (Parthians) ; a third to the kings of Kipin
(viz. the Szu-sovereigns of his account). Hence it clearly appears,
that Kipin is the country in the west of Cabul below the Kohi
Baba to the westward. Combining with this, the statement that
Sakastane received its name from the Saces, we find, that the
Kipin of the Chinese is the country of the western Paropamisus,
the pastures of which are moreover occupied by a Mongolian
tribe of nomades, the Hezarehs.* ^^ Kipin'^ however is a poli-
tical not a geographical term, and may on occasion also em-
brace portions of Cabul, Arachosia, and Drangiana.

What the Chinese mention of the productions of art in this
country, as silks, gold, and silver vessels, refers of course to the
dexterity of the subjugated inhabitants, or those articles were
imported by trade. A notice of much importance, is the
following, that they struck gold and silver coins ; on the obverse
the effigy of a horseman, on the reverse, of a man.f

As the Chinese had commercial intercourse with the empire
Kipin, the names of some kings are mentioned. During the
reign of the emperor Woo-ti, (died 87 b. c.) Utolao fov
Ontheoulao) reigned in Kipin. His son was killed by a certain
Inmoffuy who usurped the throne 30 b. c. Kipin is still spoken
of at a much later time, but it is not noticed, whether it
continued under its kings from the people of the Szus \ this is.

* To this passage refers the misplaced and apparently absurd remark
with Steph. De urb. 5. v. ^Apa'^waia, woXig ovk a7r(t)9ev Matrcray-
CTwv. How comes Arachosia to the country of the Scythes ? However,
the Scythes are meant possessing Kipin.

t De Guign. p. 25. He knew of the Eukratides' coins only those with
the type of the Dioscuri, and referred this notice to them.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo.Scythian coins. 747

however, improbable, as it is stated, that the Yuetchis took
afterwards possession of this country likewise.* >

Now leaving the Szus for the present, we will recur to them,
when in the progress of our research we have to consider the
countries south of the Caucasus.

The Ansi, having their abode to the west of the Yuetchis,
were a powerful nation with many towns ; they had gold and
silver coins, bearing on the obverse the image of the king, on
the reverse a male figure. When a king died, his successor
struck new coins. The Ansi wrote on hides, in horizontal lines
(not in vertical, as the Chinese), carried on an extensive trade,
and had conquered many countries. f De Guignes justly com-
pares the constant type of the more ancient coins of the
Arsacides with the portrait of the king, and the reverse of a
Parthian bending a bow.

But how to explain the fact, that the Chinese term the same
people Yuetchis, while the Greeks call them Tochares. Who are
the Tahias ? who the Ousuns ? De Guignes, with whom I agree,
holds the latter as the Asiani ; they may have given kings
to the Yuetchis, in the same manner as so many Turkish hordes
stood afterwards under the dominion of the successors of Gengis
Khan. The Tahias are taken for the Dahes, the Aaat, and the
Yuetchis on their irruption into Sogdiana must have indeed met
with tribes of this people. J When it is said, however, that the
Yuetchis conquered all the countries of the Tahias, the Dahes had
either spread themselves over Bactria to the southward, or the
name of the country first conquered was transferred to those
afterwards subjugated.

The name Tochares afterwards occurs with the Chinese under
the form Thuholo, as they could not otherwise express it.§ We
still recognize Tocharestan, which has received the name from
them. But it need not be the same people ; the Tochares of our

* De Guign. p. 27. Hyacinth in Ritter's " Erdkunde" VII. 682. etc.

t De Guign. p. 28.

X According to Strabo XL Scyth. § 2. Kai tCov Aawv oi fxlv TTpoaayO"

pEvovrai' Anapvoiy ol 3£,Hav0iot, oi be, Tli(T(FOvpoi,

§ Neumann. Asiat. Studien. I, 179. y

748 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

time are Turks ; for I think I may venture the conjecture, that
this name in the Perso-Indian languages denoted the inhabitants
of the cold snowy table land of the Belurtag ; this nation may
therefore have had the name of Yuetchis, or a similar one, and
yet have been called Tochares, by the Bactrians, as they arrived
from those snowy districts.*

Following the farther fate of the Yuetchis in Bactria, there
afterwards appears a king named Khieout-Sieouhi, who uniting
the other hordes, makes war on the Parthians, takes Kaofu
from them, then also conquers Kipin, and Hantha ; but he
more likely took Kipin and Kaofu from the Szus. Klaproth
places this event in the year 80 b. c. ; Remusat in the first
century of our era ; De Guignes 100 years after their first settle-
ment in Bactria, therefore 26 years b. c. ; so likewise does an
anonymous translation of Chinese history. f The Chinese ac-
counts certainly correspond, and we owe this pleasing incertitude
only to our European chronicles. We hope to be excused
ascribing the greatest negligence to our countryman, Klaproth.
But we must continue; Khieout-Sieouhi is said to have died
aged 80 years. His son Yenkaotching (the commencement
of whose reign, would therefore have been about 30 a. d.)
conquered India, advancing far to the south and to the east.
The Yuetchis having become powerful, waged a war even
against the Chinese under their governor Pantchao^ in the

* Titshara, and with the pronunciation kh for sh, tukhara, denotes in
Sanscrit snow^ ice, frost, and so is named in the old Indian geography
a people in the north of the Hindookush. A king of Kashmir, of the
family of the Thuholos, 600 years after Buddha, (therefore 56 a. d.)
is mentioned by the Chinese Buddhists ; this was long before the Chinese
knew Thuholo, and a proof, that the Yuetchis, to whom this king
must have belonged, were named Tukhara in India. The Yuetchis however,
or a neighbouring people of them in India, are also called TiirusMa, since
Kanishka is said to have belonged to this nation, 500 years after Buddha.

t De Guign. p. 27, who read Tata instead of Hantha, Klaproth. p. 133,
has Pouta ; R6m. p. 83. Hantha. As. Trans, vi. p. 63. "the Chinese general
Chang-keen (Tcham-kao) was sent as ambassador to the Yuetchi
by the emperor Woote (b. c. 126.) And about a 100 years after, a prince of
this nation subjected the Getes in Kophene (Szu in Kipin) and India was
again subjugated by the Yuetchis."

1840.] from Bactrtan and Indo- Scythian coins, 749

westerly tributary provinces of China; this was carried on in
Khoten^ in the year 98 a. d., and gave occasion for the dis-
covery of the Caspian Sea.* Yenkaotching is however not said
to have made this war, and it is very improbable,, that he did so,
as it occurred between the years 75-98.

The greatest power of the Yuetchis obtained therefore in the
first century of our era. The father, Khieoutsieouhi, had engaged
in hostilities with the Parthians ; if this were the same in which
Prahates IV. expelled Tiridates by the assistance of the Scythi-
ans (Justin xLii. 5,) it commenced about the year 40 b. c,
and his son would be more correctly placed in the years begin-
ning from 20 or 25 a. D.f

The power of the Yuetchis continued to the third century. {
After this time it was weakened by new hordes of northern bar-
barians. Still however their empire maintained itself; and Chi-
nese history in the beginning of the fifth century makes mention
of a king Kitolo, who again undertook an expedition against
India. India appears therefore meanwhile to have been taken
from the Yuetchis. Kitolo is said to have conquered Balkh,
Gandhara, and five other provinces. According to others,
Kitolo^ s son founded the empire of ^^ The Little Yuetchis'^ in
Foeleoucha ; here is some confusion, at least in the translations. §

Let us now sum up these facts. First, we have an empire,
founded in Kipin by the Saces, commencing about the year
126 B. c. This may have maintained itself till the Yuetchis
advanced southward, therefore almost to the beginning of our
era. It embraced a part of Cabul, and we must hereafter ex-
amine, whether their kings did not also reign on the borders of
the Indus.

Secondly, an empire of " The Great Yuetchis,^^ or Tochares,
in Bactria and Sogdiana, divided into separated hordes, to the

* De Guignes, p. 30. Remusat, Remarques sur I'extension de I'empire
Chinois, p. 120. Mr. Ritter, Erdkunde VII, p. 554. has translated R^mu-
sat's term 75 a. d. by 75 b. c.

t De Guignes, p. 28. But he certainly makes an improper use of this
notice.

t De G. p. 31. R. to F. p. 83. Kl. p. 133. As. Trans. VI. 63. where the
year 222 a. d. is stated.

§ De G. p. 31. R. to F. p. 84. Kl. p. 134.

5 c

750 Lassen on tM History traced [No. 104.

year 40 B. c._, and limited to the north of the Caucasus, thence
conquering to the south of the mountains, Kipin, Kandahar,
Cabul, including a large portion of India. The subversion of
this empire coincides with the accession of the Sassanians.

Thirdly, the empire of ^^ The Little Yuetchis^^ in Gandhara
and India, at the commencement of the fifth century.

It is uncertain, whether we still have coins belonging to the
Yuetchis, whose dominion was only in the north. We could
only be inclined to assign to them those having on the reverse a
horse, and not Cabulian legends.

Euthydemos and Eukratides as sovereigns of Bactria, famous
for the fine breed of its horses, appear to have likewise adopted
this symbol on their coins. And supposing even that coins with
elephants belonged to the earlier period of the Yuetchis, we
must ascribe this to the fact, that some of their hordes boasted
of having penetrated to India.

Numismatology apparently profits us more for the history of
the Scythians in the south of the Caucasus ; but we must first
take up again the thread of the Greek dynasties.

§ 17.

Greco-Indian empires.

We first call to mind, that the campaigns of the Greek kings
from Bactria against India, can have but commenced about
200 B. c ; that they originated with Euthydemos or his son De-
metrios, and were directed against the power of the kings of
Palibothra, the descendants of Chandragupta. This latter asser-
tion must be more exactly detailed.

We know from ancient writers, that Chandragupta in his
conclusion of peace with Seleucos Nicator acquired parts of
Gedrosia, Arachosia, and of the country of the Paropamisades,
and that their friendly relations continued under the sons of both
kings, Amitrajata and Antiochos Soter.* The third king of the
Indian dynasty, Dharmazoka, is a name very celebrated with

* De Pentap. Ind. p. 44. Zeit-schrift fuer die Kunde des Morgen-
landes i. 109.

I

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 7^1

the Buddhists, because he afforded a general patronage to their
religion, a fact now undoubtedly confirmed, as the inscriptions
are decyphered, by which Azoka throughout his whole empire
invited the adoption of the doctrines of Buddha.*

We may therefore rely upon the statement in the Buddhist
annals, that Dharmazoka enjoyed a long, peaceful reign during
the years 260—219 b. c.

To corroborate the fact, that the dominion of Azoka, like
that of his predecessors, extended to the Caucasus, it may be
mentioned, besides the absence of reports stating the contrary,
that the Chinese pilgrims also met with in the valley of the Panjhir
monuments erected by Azoka for the glory of his religion. f

As another confirmation may be adduced the circumstance,
that Antiochus in the year 205 renewed the confederacy with
the king of the Indians, which could be only the case with a
king of the Maurja-dynasty of Palibothra.J The king then
mentioned, Sophagasenos, appears to be a son of Azoka. §

Contrary to this opinion, the successor of Azoka is named
Sujazas [^^ of good renown'^) in the Brahmanic genealogies; but
we can hardly be deterred by this from comparing him with
Sophagasenos (Subhagasena, '^ of the victorious army'^W) as
these kings even publicly substituted their titles of honour for

* As. T. VI. p. 472. 791.

t Foe K. K. p. 395.

X Also this name was known to the Greeks ; see the interpretation of
the word M-dypiuq in my Pr^crit grammar, p. 247.

§ Zeitschr. I. 110.

11 M. de Schlegel, Ind. Bibliothek I. p. 258. The Chinese traveller
Fahian also proves, that the son of Azoka reigned in Gandhara, Foe
K. p. 67. If Remusat has correctly translated the Chinese word " Fai,"
the Buddhists have called him " Dharmavardhana." The son of Azdka,
who also reigned in Kazmira, is called laloka in the annals of the country,
(Raj. Tarang. I. 107) a reading, which is hardly correct. It is evident from
the succeeding verse, in which is certainly a play on the word Jazas, fame,
that in the former text, this word also occurred in his name. He
is said to have cleared the country from invading barbarians. At the
same place, p. 115. His successor is a king of another family. From
these traditions I shall only retain, that inroads of barbarians are menti-
oned immediately after Azoka, and that with his son the empire of
tlie kings of Palibothra in Kazmira found its termination.

752 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

their original names^ as Azoka styles himself Pijadasi on the
columns.

The successor of Sujazas, Dazaratha, is confirmed by the
inscriptions in the Buddhist temples at Gaja^ in Magadha^*
(Behar.)

I think it is by no means a rash attempt to connect these
Indian reports with our investigations. Thence would result
the following arrangement, viz., that Sujazas, who must have
died at the commencement of the second century b. c. if he
had reigned twenty years (on this we have no information), is
the very same Palibothrian king with whom Antiochus renew-
ed the confederacy; secondly, that the barbarians, who under
his reign invaded India, are the Bactrian Greeks themselves ;
and, thirdly, that he or his successor, despite of Indian accounts
to the contrary, was expelled by them from the westerly parts
of his empire.

From our previous inquiry, it was evident, that Demetrios
undoubtedly reigned in Arachosia, and thence more westward ;
whether his rule extended in an easterly direction, was left un-
certain. We must now, however, appropriate to Agathokles
also a share in the first expedition of the Bactrians against India,
for by the beautiful execution of his coins he is coeval with De-
metrios; he claims a purely Indian country as his dominion,
and especially eastern Cabul ; lastly, by the adoption of the old
Indian letters he shows, that he succeeded in these provinces
the kings of Palibothra, who used the very same alphabet. Nor
do I know how Agathokles can obtain any other classification
either at a later or earlier period, unless immediately before
Eukratides and coeval with Demetrios. I shall not waste our
time by conjecturing in what relation they stood together, how
Agathokles commenced his career, and whether he belonged to
the family of Euthy demos, or not.f

* This also is a discovery, made by Mr. Prinsep, As. Trans. VI. p. 677.

t It might even be maintained, that by a confiision in the catalogues
of names, Agathokles had been received as Sujazas into Indian history,
as both words denote the same, and as both kings, according to the
comparison of facts, above given, would be of the same period. It is evi-
dent, that we have not to recognise the Indian king on the coins, because

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins 0 753

Pantaleon, with whom this Greco-Indian empire terminated,
must have succeeded Agathokles, whom I therefore hold as
king of Nagara Dionysopohs. Both of them have only Indian
letters on their coins, and with them too Dionysos disappears.

If we thus have correctly determined the empire of Aga-
thokles and Pantaleon, it must he one of the districts of which
Eukratides took possession on his Indian expedition ; for after
the victory over Demetrios, he carried his arms against the
Indus and Hydaspes. We have already noticed, that he pro-
bably did not reign there for a long time.

I have above explained my idea, how by the division of
Demetrios^ power the independent Grecian dominions of Dran-
giana and Arachosia, referred to by historical authority, had
been formed ; the Indian empire, mentioned by the same autho-
rity, was, if not actually formed, yet first consolidated after the
murder of Eukratides. At least the conjecture is natural, that
the abhorrence of such a deed must render it easy to an enter-
prising governor to find ready assistance in a revolt against the
parricide. The first Greek king of this Indian empire was certainly
Menandros, let the various dates given for his era and his ac-
cession differ as they may from mine. Here conjecture must be
set against conjecture, and I do not think myself the supposition
sound, that Menandros may have acquired the title of deliverer,
peculiar to this country, by delivering it from the hateful domi-
nion of the son of Eukratides.

On these three Indo-Grecian empires we may make the
following conjecture. We assigned to Antimachos an empire

he would have called himself in this case Sujazas, and not Agathuklajo.
But if Agathokles deprived the Indian Subhagasena of the provinces
on the Indus, and in the catalogues of kings was mentioned as his
CO temporary under the name Sujazas, he might be easily confounded with
the name of the Indian king, especially as the son of Az6ka had at
least two names, a Brahmanical and a Buddhist, like his father, and
perhaps his grandfather (Zeit-schrift I. 109.) This explanation is not
quite satisfactory to me ; the coincidence of both names, above mentioned,
is however, hardly accidental; and it is scarcely an objection, that Panta-
leon, who probably reigned but a short time, has not left a similar trace
in the Indian annals ; he must be looked for in Dazaratha, which is
impossible.

754 » Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

in Drangiana, as here only a maritime victory, of which he
boasts, can have taken place.* To this may be added the
following : — ^The Chinese, by reporting, that the kings of Kipin
represented a horseman on their coins, alluded probably them-
selves only to the Scythian kings; these, however, had cer-
tainly adopted the custom from their predecessors.

As now Antimachos, as well as his successor Philoxenos, repre-
sent themselves as horsemen, we venture to refer them to Kipin ;
likewise the humped bull of the latter king alludes to Kipin.
This country moreover is Sakastane, or Segistan of a later period.

Antialkidesf and his successor Lysias lay claims to having
reigned in Cabul and in its neighbourhood ; if we have correctly
interpreted the report of Justin, they must have possessed,
besides Cabul, a part of Arachosia.

Amyntas and Archelios must perhaps also be classed in these
two kingdoms.

The empires founded by Antimachos and Antialkides, pro-
bably existed but a short time; the first seems to have origi-
nated at the death of Demetrios, the second after the murder
of Eukratides. We can assign to them no longer existence than
to the year 126 b. c, when the Saces settled themselves in
Kipin ; and scarcely even to that period, as the Parthians had
already taken possession of the Bactrian empire. In the pas-
sage in which the last struggle of the Bactrians against the
Parthians is mentioned, Elymeans are indeed only noticed
besides Syrians, and no Drangians or Arachosians. The small
number of royal names also corroborate this short duration.

It would be too doubtful a measure to extend the use of
Cabulian letters to Drangiana.

* Mr. R. R. p. 18, thinks, he may have assisted Antiochus IV. on
occasion of a victory over the Egyptians ; but this appears hardly possible,
even if he had reigned on the Indus.

t Mr. Mionnet has published (VIII. 483, 520,) a coin of Antialkides, before
unknown. Obverse : image of the king vrith the Causia, and the upper
part of the Chlamys. Reverse : Jupiter seated, holding in his right hand a
Victory vrith a Palm, in the left hand a spear, placed across the shoulders ;
on the right hand near his seat an elephant, who holds a crown in its
elevated trunk. Antialkides perhaps obtained the crown by his partici-
pating in an Indian expedition.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins, 755

Still we must here keep in view, that the alphabet on the
coins, if indeed derived from the west, must have been im-
ported to Cabul through Candahar and Drangiana, as it did not
come to Cabul through Herat and Bactria. Besides this how-
ever Antimachos and Antialkides may have imitated the exam-
ple of Eukratides.

The Greco-Indian empire of Menandros must have existed
longer. The number of the names Menandros, ApoUodotos,
Diomedes, Agathokleia, Hermaios, renders the assumption neces-
sary, I have proved it probable that this line of kings was
not encroached upon by the Parthians. The last coins, those
of Hermaios, refer to the very same time, when expeditions
against the Soter-dynasty may have been first planned by the
Scythians. The widely extended empire of Menandros seems
under Hermaios to have been limited to Beghram ; Menandros
must have possessed a kingdom eastward of Cabul, if Antial-
kides, as it appears, ruled then immediately after Eukratides.
It would be, however, too bold to determine any thing concern-
ing the mutual contests of these powers.

From the great number of the Hermaios coins, it is not im-
probable, that he either himself reigned long at Beghram,
or that his dynasty continued there at least for some time ;
in the mountain country, easily defended, a smaller kingdom
might maintain itself with more ease for a longer time. If
the relation Kadaphes holds towards Hermaios be correctly
stated, the Grecian dominion was here overthrown by an attack
from the north, i.e. from the country of Kapisa ; the power of
Kadaphes itself, however, appears to have been of no great im-
portance or long duration. A greater Indo-Scythian kingdom,
as for instance that of Azes, may have absorbed it.

§18.

The Saces, the Tochares, and Parthians in Cabul and India.

We have above left the Saces in the country Kipin, where
they settled themselves, about the year 126 b. c, while the To-
chares, following them, roamed throughout Bactria, from whence

756 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

they, half a century afterwards,, united in one power, and pene-
trated beyond the Indian Caucasus to the southward. Looking
for historical authorities of the further fate of the Tochares and
Saces, I find, that they are brief and meagre, and it appears
hardly possible to derive from them any certain results ; they
must however be examined.

If the geographer Dionysios composed his poem as early as
it is ordinarily apprehended, he would have been the first who
made mention of the Scythians about the Indus, v. 1088. 'Iv^ov
Trap TTOTajxov vortoi ^KvOai evvaiovariv,

Eusthathius makes the just remark, that they were Indo-Scy-
thians, as this name could not have been given them previously
to their arrival in India. The era of Dionysios being however
very uncertain, nothing can be inferred from his passage as to
the time of the first advancement of the Scythians to the Indus.

The Periplus of the Erythraean sea, as well as Ptolemy, enable
us to determine the extent of the Indo-Scythian empire, al-
though this determination can only refer to a considerably later
time than the first appearance of the Scythians on the Indus.

Indo-Scythia embraces, with Ptolemy (vii, 1), the following
provinces : — In the direction nearest to the south and the east,
Surashtra or the Peninsula Guzerat ; then the delta of the Indus
or Pattalene ; further the country Abiria,* situated above it ; he
includes in the Scythian empire a small district, and some towns
on the eastern bank of the river ; most of them lie however on
the western bank. How far up the Indus the Scythian domini-
on extended, is not quite evident ; but Artoartar, above held by
us to be a Scythian town, is mentioned as situated in the near

* This, and not Sabiria, is to be read, any more than Iberia in the
Periplus. They are the Abhira of Indian geography. De Pentap. Ind.
p. 28. The passage in Periplus p. 24, must perhaps be written : Tavrrjg
TO, ^£ julIv /neffojEia rrig ^KuSiag * A^ripia koXhtui, to, ^e irapa*

OaXaacTia ^vvpaaTpr]vr] for *Ij3r)pia, KaXeirai Se to. k, t, X,

The delta of the Indus is ascribed to the Scythians in the following passage
of the Periplus, p. 22, on the emporium on the mouth of the Indus :

TTpoKHTai ^£ avTOv vr)(Tiov fxiKpov' Koi Kara vcjtov fxzcroyHoq y}

fiCTjDOTToXtc, avTr}g TYjg ^KvOiag Mivvayap, ftacnXiViTai Se vno

UapOwVf (Tvvs'yiog aXXr^Xovg e/cSiwfcovrwv.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins, 7^7

neighbourhood of Peshawur. Hence it follows, that Indo-Scy-
thia at that period, or rather a little earlier than Ptolemy, in-
cluded Peshawur, the country on both banks of the Indus from
Attock to its mouth, and Guzerat. The Punjab did not belong
to it, as the Kaspireans occupied this province, as well as the
country up to the Jumna and Vindhia,* neither did Barygaza.
The mountains to Arachosia, and the desert on the eastern bank
of the river form the other boundaries.

It is therefore evident, that this empire is very small in pro-
portion to what Azes claims on his coins.

We rather have in the limited extent above stated, a dissolv-
ed Indo- Scythian empire before us. The Periplus partly ex-
plains this decline of the Indo-Scythian power by mentioning
that the capital, Minnagar, was in the writer^s time in the pos-
session of the Parthians, and that both nations continually
expelled one the other.

Let us now inquire into Parthian history, whether it yields
us some illustrations.

From our examinations, above effected, of the relations of the
Parthians to the Scythians, it resulted, that since the arrival
of the Scythians in Bactria and Segistan, to the year 37 b, c.
no report shows that the Parthians had regained such ascen-
dancy over the Scythians as to rise against them as conquerors.
The same refers also to Artaban III. (died 41 a. d.), who more
than once must have had recourse to the Scythians in the north.
There is least of all any trace that Vonones I. during his short
and troubled reign, may have made the conquest in the east,
which we must ascribe to him, if the coins, above mentioned,
belonged to him.

Of Bardanes (died 47) a successful campaign is mentioned
against the Dahes. What we know of his successor Gotarzes
(died 50) does not entitle us to attribute to him any new
aggrandisement of the Arsacidian empire. Then come we to
Vonones II. who reigned but a few months ; after him to his
son Volagases. His reign was a long and happy one,f and

* I^^Xpi Ovivciov opovg and because Mo^ovpa ri tu)V Oswv
therefore Mathura belonged perhaps to the Kaspireans.
t 50 — 85, A. D. Visconti, Iconogr. III. p. 173.

5d

758 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

though he was neither indolent nor of unwarlike disposition,
yet he lived in peace with the Romans. It is therefore also on
the authority, though only implied, of history, that we assign
to his reign the conquests of the Parthians in Cabul, of which
the coins with the names of Vonones and Volagases bear
witness.* Nor do we think ourselves mistaken in tracing from
this settlement in Cabul the Parthian irruptions into India, men-
tioned in the Periplus.

The circumnavigator of the Erythraean sea tells also of these
inroads as an eye-witness, in which will be discovered another
reason against placing him so low as the era of Augustus.

Be it as it may, if Azes be taken for the successor of Vono-
nes, and therefore of Volagases, he is placed in so late a period,
that the close resemblance of his coins with Grecian patterns is
quite inexplicable. Considering the extent of the countries
which are under the sway of Azes, no other has a juster title to
be identified with him than the Yankaotching of the Chinese
annals. The time would correspond, as we have to look accord-
ing to those accounts, for the flourishing power of the Yuetchis
just in the years 20 — 50. (a. c. )

Two facts, however, are at variance with this view. First, the
difference of the name, too palpable even for Chinese corruption
of sounds, and then, that of the coins.

They are so closely allied to Greek types, that we must con-
nect Azes immediately with the Greeks, and in this case we
must likewise expect coins of Indo-Scythian kings who preced-
ing Azes, existed between his time and that of the Greeks,
and of this description we found only Mayes. Nor does our numis-
matological guide, M. Raoul-Rochette doubt in the least as to
this earlier era, and accordingly places him immediately after
Hermaios (11.42). t

But if Azes reigned so early, he belonged to the Saces, and
not to the Yuetchi. This supposition is supported by the figure
of a horseman, which he adopts on his coins ; for the equestrian

* Lastly, Volagases I. has styled himself "the just," as the Cabulian.
Mionnet VIIT. 448. Vonones I. does not bear this epithet.
1 II. 42.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 759

coins come from Kipin^ where the Saces, and not the Yuetchis,
had settled themselves.

Now it is true we have not observed that the Saces as well as
the Yuetchis have made any conquests in India ; but it seems
to follow, first, from the fact, that the empire of Hermaios ap-
parently was on the eve of its destruction at the very time (120
B.C.) to which we may assign the inroads of the Saces in India,
immediately after 126 b. c. : secondly, because the capital of the
Scythian empire of a later time, was named Min,* and as this
name occurs in Sakastane itself, it must have come thence, and
not by means of the Yuetchis to the Indus. It would be, lastly,
implied in the Chinese chronology, if correctly translated, f that
the Yuetchis reconquered India ; and before them, vrho but the
Saces in Kipin could have conquered it ? However little confi-
dence we can put on these discussions, yet we must at once
adopt the supposition, that the empire of Azes existed about
100 b. c.

Azilises declared himself as successor of Azes ; as the Chinese
mention two names of these kings of Kipin, we shall perhaps in
time obtain coins of theirs, by which the era of Azes may be
determined with greater certainty.*! The coins above described,
can only be hypothetically taken for the coins of such successors
of Azes.

If Azes, however, be considered as the founder of an empire
of the Saces in India, either Kadphises or the nameless Soter-
Megas, must be held as the great conqueror under the Yuet-
chis.

Among them the king last mentioned appears to have most
claims, in virtue of the remark, already made, that he seems
to have founded a new dynasty, which was established from
Bactria in Cabulistan and the Punjab, and again assuming the

* Nagara, Sanscrit town ; Miv iroXiq in Sakastane with Isidor, p. 9.
De Pentap. Ind. p. 56,

t As. T. VI. p. 63.

X I would even conjecture, that Ontheoulao was Azilises, if I were
persuaded that the Chinese express a Z by th. They place him 87 b. c,
and this statement is indeed in a striking manner corresponding with the
place given by the coins to Azilises.

760 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

name Soter of the Greek kings, maintained itself up to the pe-
riod of the Parthian relations with India.

The monogram of the nameless king, and the epithet of deli-
verer, recurs as well on the coins of Kadphises as on those
above described ; it occurs last on those of the Kanerkis. Azes
has not this monogram ;* it seems therefore to be the mono-
gram of the Yuetchis. In all of them are probably to be
recognized successors of the nameless king of the Yuetchis,
but it remains doubtful, how we have to place them before and
after the Parthian epoch of those provinces, and whether they
succeeded to the same throne, or reigned at the same time
in neighbouring countries.

Ptolemy^s description of Indo-Scythia, like that in the Peri-
plus, shows a smaller Scythian empire on the Indus, together with
which more than one kingdom may have subsisted in western
Cabulistan. The author of the Periplus mentions besides those,
an independent kingdom of the very warlike Bactrians (p. 27) ;
the Yuetchis alone can be understood by this. These intima-
tions point to a Scythian monarchy in a dismembered condition
at the period to which they refer.

We may assign Yndopherres with more confidence to the Par-
thian period. On a general view we run no risk of ascribing
Kadphises, the Parthians, and Yndopherres, to the last half of
the first century (a. d. ), but to give more exact definitions
would be too dangerous.

Lastly, the Kanerkis, who are allied to Kadphises, and who
are the last of these leaders of hordes, probably belong to the
commencement of the second century ; but they rather represent
a new horde of the Yuetchis, advanced from Bactria, than a direct
continuation of the former hordes, for they are distinguished
from them, as well as Kadphises from still earlier tribes, by his
position, represented as going in a carriage, while previously to
him the Scythian kings were represented as horsemen. The
Yuetchis are indeed said to have ridden in a carriage, however
it is added, in one drawn by oxen.

We have already observed, that the Chinese identified the end
of the power of the Yuetchis in India with the beginning of the
* R. R. II. p. 48.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo-Bcythian coins. 761

Sassanians, and we have had no reasons to assign to the Kaner-
kis a later period. If they be referred to a later date^ they must
be ^^ the Little Yuetchis,,^^ who founded a new empire in Gan-
dhara in the fifth century^ but such a great interval between
Kadphises and the Kanerkis would hardly be admitted.

Other monuments seem to belong to ^' the Little Yuetchis,^^
on an examination of which we cannot however enter. The
history^ like that of the Sassanians in Cabul, of the white Huns
in India, mentioned by Cosmos, and lastly of the Murundas, of
whom Indian inscriptions from the Sassanian time bear witness,
would require new preparations far beyond the scope of this
essay.

Here we shall therefore add only this, that Fahian being in
the year 400 in these countries, mentions the power of the
Yuetchis as having passed away (S. Foe. K. p. 766.)

If we be not mistaken, the inquiry leads without compulsion
to the probable result, that between the empire of Azes and the
renewed power of the Scythians under the king of the Yuetchis,
an interval took place in the dominion of the countries on the
Indus. This has been already previously* deemed to be a
corroboration of the Indian account, according to which the
epoch of Vikramaditya, which commences with the year 56 b. c.
was founded on the occasion of a victory over the Saces gained
by this king. In this case Indian tradition, which may certain-
ly adduce in its favour the use still existing, and to be traced
to a very early period, of counting from that epoch, would be in
perfect correspondence with what has been the result of our
inquiry into the Scythian history. Vikramaditya reigning in
Ujjajini, and therefore a direct neighbour of the Scythian empire,
which under Azes extended to the boundaries of Malwa, would,
on this supposition, have repelled the successors of Azes to the
Indus. After Vikramaditya we hear nothing of the empire in
Ujjajini, and this silence finds its explanation in the growing
power, soon after the commencement of our era, of the
Yuetchis, whose kingdom Ptolemy described as still extending

• As. T. VI. p. 63.

762

Lassen on the History traced

[No. 104.

on the Indus to Guzerat. By this power Malwa must accord-
ingly have been confined to narrow limits.*

It would be rather imprudent to venture any conjecture on
the distribution of the countries on the Indus and Cabul among

* Having given this explanation, I leave it to the judgment of tlie reader,
whether there be a reason in the account of the Periplus, of the empire of
the Indo-Scythians, to bring down, according to the view of M. K. O. Mueller,
by some centuries, the epoch of Vikramaditja. If he takes the Vikra-
maditja, now known to us by old Indian coins, for the real conqueror
of the Scythians, his choice is evidently very unfortunate, as this
king belongs to the dynasty of the Guptas in Kanoje, contemporaneous
with the Sassanians. If there be any correspondence in the accounts
on Vikramaditja, it is, that he reigned in Ujjajini. I have already
discovered a reference to the empire of Vikramaditja in the passage of
the Periplus on the Ozene, viz. that the ancient royal residence was
there (de Pentap p. 57), being at that time in a very declining state ;
and I have no reason whatever to change my view there set forth. It
is well known, that Vikramaditja afterwards became the hero of a great
number of fabulous tales ; he has become the Carolus Magnus of Indian
poetry, and is as far removed from firm historic ground as Carolus
Magnus would be if we had to take our information of him merely from
the chivalrous novels ; but for Vikramaditja, save poetry, no prose, on
chronicle, has been preserved to us. The early adoption of the epoch of
Vikramaditja by the ancient astronomers, might be here of far greater
importance than all those tales from which Wilford has endeavoured
to construe a history of Vikramaditja, and of the second founder of an
Indian epoch, lalivahana. To render complete this confusion, it must
be added, that the name was afterwards often adopted by Indian kings ;
one of them seems even to have waged war with the Scythians. The
annalist of Kashmir, who had, so to say, sufficiently respectable au-
thorities, is doubtful whom of two Vikramaditjas he must take for the
real Sakari (enemy of the Saces) Raj. Tar. II., 5. Ill, 125. He decides him-
self on the second, (not to put down the epoch, which is clear to him) but
because in order to follow the Cashmerian chronology for the Buddhist
part of his history, he is necessitated to carry back some centuries all
ancient dates, and even to admit afterwards a great gap in the series of
the kings. We must therefore accede, contrary to the view of the annalist,
to the opinion represented as the common one, in holding the first-
Vikramadijta as the founder of the epoch. It is now a curious fact, that
between him and the second, the reigns numbered together, fill out 286
years. The second reigning 236 a. d. would coincide with the end of
the Yuetchi empire and the commencement of the Sassanians, it is there-
fore probably founded on a historic date, if the second Vikramaditja is
likewise represented as fighting with the Saces.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 763

the different dynasties of the Scythians and Parthians, as neither
historic accounts assist us, nor are the coins so completely
put together, and explained, that the several families can be
properly arranged. This is perhaps a fact, that a frequent
change of dynasties happened, and a speedy decomposition of
the greater into smaller kingdoms. This fact is supported by
the nature of those countries, the lawless manners of the nations,
and the analogy of Turkish and Mogul history.

Another part of the history of these Scythians is left in the
dark. The Chinese annals describe to us the Yuetchis as zealous
Buddhists, hence rises the question, whether there still exist
with the Yuetchis monuments of this religion.*

We can now take it for granted, that from Azoka^s period
Buddhism was widely diffused through Cabul • the fathers of the
Church also know the Samaneans in these countries ;t and the
Chinese pilgrims as eye-witnesses, speak, of the great number of
Buddhist cloisters and monuments found there ; Buddha images
are likewise lately dug out in Cabul itself. There is accor-
dingly no want of Buddhist monuments, but it is the question,
whether we must attribute them to the Yuetchis.

We must here refer to the coins, and one class of them, that
of Behat, must indeed be considered as Buddhist. However
it is only probable that those with duplicated legends belong to
a Scythian dynasty, but to this are limited the Buddhist nu-
mismatological monuments of the Yuetchi kings ; and of Azes,
Kadphises, the Kanerkis, no really Buddhist coin has been
discovered. It must therefore be left undecided, whether the
Chinese reports did transfer to all Yuetchis what was only cor-
rect to maintain as of a part of them. J But while I must leave
this point undecided, I am reminded at the same time that I
have given all that from the examination of the coins appears to

* Thus the passage, As. T. VI. 63. At the period when all these king-
doms belonged to the Yuetchi, the latter put their kings to death, and
substituted military chiefs. They enjoined all their people to practise
the doctrine of Fuh-too-chi,

t See my treatise, in the Rhenish Museum, for Philology, 1832. vol. I., p. 171.

I From Professor Ritter's book, the Stupas, etc. Berlin, 1838, which I
received when printing my book, I fully understood his view on those
monuments, and its reasons. I am sorry to say, that I cannot be persuaded
into the Buddhist origin of the topes. I have already above separated

764 Lassen on the History traced, [No. 104.

me a certain or a probable result. The field of conjecture is
already too richly cultivated^ for me to add arbitrarily to what
has been done therein. In conclusion, I shall sum up in a table
the historic results of my investigation. I need hardly tell the
reader, that although in the table the facts are placed together
with apparent claim to equal authenticity, they occupy in the
book itself, and in reality, all the different places which on a
large scale are intermediate between certainty and conjecture in
its various degrees, according to individual views.
Separation of Bactria from Syria under,

Theodotos I. soon before 256 b. c.

Theodotos II. his son and successor,

Euthydemos expels the family of Theodotos, and
himself ascends the throne of Bactria

before, 209

Concludes peace with Antiochus the
Great, 205, makes conquests in Ariana

and India after 200

Agathokles founds an empire in eastern Cabul, about 190
Demetrios succeeds his father in Bactria, about . . 185
Eukratides takes possession of Bactria. Demetrios

maintains himself in Arachosia, . . 175

Pantaleon succeeds Agathokles, 170

Eukratides dethrones Demetrios, and conquers the

Indian empire of Pantaleon, about . . 165
the inquiry into the nature of the topes, from the examination of the
coins, and postponed it to another time ; I maintained at the same place,
that as yet no Buddhist coins had been discovered in the topes. Mr. Ritter
on the contrary states, that they are met with (p. 207). But he erroneously
says, that Mr. Prinsep has recognised among the coins from Manikyala
some Buddhist ; in the passages quoted he certainly mentions nothing
of this kind. Then continues Mr. Ritter (p. 238) " As we now possess
ascertained chronological determinations of the Buddhist religion in the Mo-
kadphise's, Kanerki's, and Azes' coins." The four Buddhist coins alluded
to by Mr. Ritter, occur As. T. III. pi. XXII. No. 28. till No. 32. They
are coins of the Kanerki dynasty, therefore Mithra gods on Buddhist
coins? Then III. pi. XXVI. No. 2, No. 3, IV.pl. XXII. No. 12, No. 13, or
with him plate VIII. No. 2 — 4. Therefore Siva on the obverse, while
Azes is represented as Buddha seated on the reverse ? If Mr. Ritter does
not know any other coins out of the topes which escaped my knowledge,
I shall not be necessitated to give up my previous assertion, which
was here my only purpose to vindicate.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins, 765

Foundation of a Grecian empire in Drangiana by

Antimachos,, about 165

Murder of Eukratides by his son, about . . . . 160

His son (Heliokles) succeeds him in Bactria,
Antialkides founds an empire in Ara-
chosia and western Cabul, Menandros
a large kingdom in India, after . . 160

Philoxenos succeeds in Drangiana, Lysias in Ara-
chosia, afterwards Apollodotos in India,
Archelios and Amyntas succeed in the
western empires,

Mithridates I. of Parthia conquers Drangiana about 145
Destroys the Grecian-Bactrian kingdom, 139

Succession of Diomedes, Agathokleia and Her-

maios in the Greco-Indian empire to 120

Inroads of the Saces and Tochares in Bactria . . 126

The Saces occupy Drangiana, the Tochares Bac-
tria, the Grecian empire of Hermaios
subverted by Kadaphes about . . 120

Great empire of the Saces under Azes after . . 1 16 b. c.

Azilises his son, succeeds about, . . 90

Expulsion of the Saces from the Indus countries

by Vikramaditya king of Malwa . . 56

Division of the empire of the Saces,

Khieoutsieouhi unites the tribes of the Tochares and

conquers the possession of the Saces after 40 b. c.

Yeukaotching his son, makes great conquests in

India about 20 a. d.

Under Volagases conquests of the Parthians in Cabul,
and inroads into the countries on the
Indus, after 50

Kadphises^ empire on the Indus and in upper
India to the Ganges, the dynasty of
the Kanerkis succeeds in his empire, 100

Downfall of the Arsacians in Parthia, conquests
of the Sassanians in Cabul ; restoration
of Indian power in Upper India by the

dynasty of Kanoja, after 226

5 E

766

Ancient Land Grants in Assam.

[No. 104.

Paper on Ancient Land Grants on Copper ^ discovered in Assam.
Communicated hy Major F. Jenkins, Governor General's Agent
N. E. Frontier.

A putter of three copper plates, joined by a large copper ring to
a seal, containing within a raised rim a figure of Ganesh, was lately
dug up near the station of Tezpore, in the Durrung division, and
I have the pleasure to enclose a copy of the inscription.

A similar grant of two plates was lately produced by a Brahmin in
the Kamroop Courts, to substantiate a claim to some Lakhiraj lands
at the time it was first brought up, there was no person in the pro-
vince who could read the inscription, but having given to a Pundit
the alphabets of ancient forms of Sanscrit writing, published by Mr.
James Prinsep to illustrate his discoveries, he was soon able to make
out the inscription.

It was a grant of land as Burmuttur, by Durmpal, in the year*
36, without any mention what era, to three Brahmins, and detailed the
boundaries of the grant. That inscription was not very legible, the
letters in some places being much rubbed, but the letters in the present
Putter are quite distinct, and I hope they have been correctly copied.

The Dewali which was formed by this grant, viz. Maha Kudra
Dewali, is still in existence, though in a very dilapidated state, and
has given its name to the Mowza on which it stands.

Of the extent of the country under the Pal dynasty on this frontier,
or of any particulars of their family or history, I fear we are not likely
to find any records in Assam. The only mention of the Pal Rajahs that
I have met with, is a very ancient looking chronicle possessed by a
Brahmin, the first leaf of which is apparently lost. It now begins
thus : —

Lakhipal,
Subabu,

His minister Sumati,
Then follow the names of

As being the Ra-
jahs or rulers of
" Burcherides," Per-
haps the present dis-
tricts of Chooteya,
Chardoar, Noadoar,
Chudoar.

Khetrijetari,
His son Subalik,

and seven names, ending in Narain, and after
them is the name of Ramchandra, then inter-
venes the word,
Jaintee,

probably meaning the country we call Jain-
teah ; and after it follows the names of the follow-
ing Pals : —
Japandu Pal,
Hari Pal,
Dhamba Pal,
Ram Pal,
Pakhya Pal,
Chandra Pal,

* Note. Capt. Jenkins had the kindness to send me subsequently the plates
themselves, which were exhibited at a recent Meeting. |]Ji

1840.] Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 767

Narain Pal,

Amar Pal,

Mantri Pal,

Haina Pal,

Syama Pal,

Mactya Pal,

See Pal,

Gandha Pal,

Madhrub Pal,

Lahikya Pal,
After these follow ; —

Minangka,

Gujangka,

Sukanangka,

Mrinangka,

Phinjua,
and others.
These are the names given in page 117 of Prinsep's Tables, but in
a different order; but no further notice is taken of any of the
Pal race.

There is little doubt but these last named Rajahs were rulers over
a part of the north bank, of which Beshnath was probably the centre,
as some very extensive lines of fortification are universally attributed
to them; and the Pals preceding them, notwithstanding the word
Jaintee alluded to, were likely Rajahs over the same country. They
may have been a branch of the family of Bupal, who reigned
over a district of the empire formerly governed by their ancestors.
The succeeding Rajahs were probably Chooteah Cocherees, who are
supposed in Assam to have been of the Shan race.

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768 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104. fl

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J 840.] Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 769

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770 . Ancient Land Grants in Assam, [No. 104.

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1840.] Ancient Land Grants in Assam, 77 ^

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772 Ancient Land Grants in Assam, {No. 104.

Literal Translation, by Fimdit Saroda Prosad Chuckerbutty.

SUCCESS.

1. May the Louhetya Sindha, (Brahmaputra river) wherein the
fish are abundantly supplied with water, and whose stream is ruddy
with the dashing spray, turbid with golden mud mingled with ice,
splashing up as the waves fall on the golden rocks of the beautiful
Kailasha mountain, ruddy too with the heavenly flowers dropped
from the hair and hands of the goddesses who come down to sport
therein, protect you !

2. May the Pindkapdm C Siva J on whose head the Gangd waters
cast up by the wind, are, as it were, the stars on the firmament,
sanctify you !

3. The first Baraha (the incarnation of the Boar) had a son
named Naraka, from the Earth (his wife), at the time of her de-
livery ; who (Naraka) robbed Aolite of her earrings,* and Hari
(Indra) of his power.

4. Krishna having slain him (naraha) felt excessive grief by
the lamentations of his wife, and could not therefore refrain from
creating his two sons, named Bhagadatta and Vajradatta.

5. Bhagadatta ; who was modest, having succeeded to the guddee of
Prdgjyotisha, (Kamroop) devoted himself to the adoration of him
(Krishna) the supreme Deity.

6. Krishna being pleased with him, made him master of another
good territory ; but in time the sovereignty of Prdgjyotisha was after
him governed by his posterity alone.

7. From his line was born Prdlambha, whose name was won-
derful to all. He was the Lord of Pragjyotisha, and destroyer of his
enemies. His footstool was illuminated by the light of the crest-
jewels of all Rajas.

8. He was against those who were enemies to his ancestors from
Sdlastambha down to Sriharisha, who are all deceased, and who,
with all their noble and royal qualities, delighted all the extreme regions.

9. His (Prdlambhd's) brother, greatest of all Rajas, abandoned
his valour with indignation, but not his car (? indignantly re-
signed the fight, yet left not his car ? )

10. His queen, named Jwadd, was dearly beloved by him ; like
Prabhata Sandhyd, (morning twilight) she was vdndydf of all, and
the source of great tejas-X

11. From her he (Prdlambhd) had a son named Hajara, who was
the king of kings, and was embraced by Lakshmi (the goddess of
fortune) herself, and whose feet were worshipped by every Raja,

12. He (Hajara) was VikeYudhisthira in truth ; like Bhima to his
enemies; and like Jishnu (Arjuna) in battle; who,§ though alone,
yet was victorious over all his rivals that stood against him.

* Note.— Particularly described in the Sreemutt Bhagavut, ch. 59.

t The word Vandyd when connected with morning, means adorable, and praise-
worthy, as applied to the queen.

X Tejas has two meanings ; the light and spirit, or vigour, or vigourous persons ; the
former relates to the word morning, and the latter to the queen.

§ This sentence is applicable to both Arjuna and the Kaja.

1840.] Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 77^

13. Lakshmi being as it were disliked by Vishnu (her husband)
whose mind was in love with the Gopas (the wives of the cowherds)
forsook his breast and came down to this individual with all the per-
sonal beauty of her sex.

14. This Lakshmi, as it were, determined in her mind that
" because this conqueror is possessed of all personal beauty, as well as
noble qualities of my husband (Vishnu), who has matchless might
and a car- wheel or his hand, I shall surely become his chief queen,
though I shall undergo degradation."

15. Lakshmi having ascertained this, as above, transformed
herself into his chief and beloved queen, whose name was Tdrd, and
who was like a jewel of superior quality among all the females of her
time.

16. From her (Tara) he (Hajara) had a son named Vanamdla,
the king, who was prosperous, renowned, like the moon the source of
the universal delight, and adorned with the jewel- wreath of all
noble and royal qualities, and his footstool was borne by the crowns
of numerous Rajas.

17- Because he was the worthy master of the territories that
extended as far as the Vanamala (lines of forest) near the seashore,
the Creator caused him to be named Vanamala.

18. He (Vanamala) resembled the Sun in the field of battle, by
reason of his driving forth the darkness of the furious elephants of his
vanquished foes.

19. Further, he was like the moon on the clear sky of the Naraka
line, from which were sprung many kings, by removing the dark-
ness of his enemies.

20. He (Vanamala) who had by the force of his mighty scymetar
been expelling all the Rajas, who were like thunder to the mountains
of the powerful army of their respective enemies, made Sree (Lakshmi)
the wife* of one husband.

21. Some Rajas, who though they were conquerors of their many
rivals, yet from the fear of Vanamala's power took refuge with pre-
cipitation in extreme regions, and others in the heavenst.

22. The rest, who were forward to throw their sharp shafts over
him in battle, far abandoned their lands in consternation.

23. The enemies who were gallantly forward in battle with their
elephants, were subdued by him.

24. He who was devoted to (the gods.^) bore the burthen of Na-
kusha (a Raja of antiquity) by his faithfully repairing the fallen and
the HimdlaAike lofty palace of Hetuka Sulin (the Siva of destruction)
whose feet are worshipped by the multitude of gods, at Kdldntara —
and further, by adorning it with the images of domesticated elephantsj
and fair women.

25. His fame, which is whitest of all, exists in the regions of
the serpents (Tragaloka) ever laughing to scorn (even) its eternal

* Solely dependent on one, i. e. the kingVanamala himself; the meaning being, that
he stayed the fickleness of fortune (Lakshmi) by the continuance of his success,
t Departed their lives.
X Note.— Literally "village elephants."

5 F

774 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104.

splendour, in extreme regions (surpassing in whiteness) the water
cast off from the trunks of elephants with their long breathings,
and in the firmament (deriding) the spotless and pleasant beams of the
moon full in her digits.

26. He by his truth, gravity, greatness, power, liberality, and
might, had far overcome the Dharmay (Yudhisthera) the sea^
the mountain, the sun, Kama the king, and the son of Maruta
( Bhima).

28. The moon finding this world whitened by the moon of his
fame, takes her rise as if with shame* even to this day.

29. The wifet of Abja (Brahma) whoj is like an oblong pond on
the firmament, as it were, sings his extended fame (praise) in Devene
temples, to the sounds of musical instruments and songs, and in groves
by the utterance of prayers and hymns of sacrificers.

30. Large quantities of gold, elephants, horses, lands, wives, § silver,
and jewels were his usual gifts : and he, though very moderate
of speech, yet was himself Vahubak.||

Because he gratified the appetites of the people of all classes,
and was himself in company with the learned, numbers of most
mighty Rajas had been constantly coming to him, mounted on their
various elephants, horses, and litters, to pay the respects due to his
highness. To Vanamala, who was skilful, the king of kings, very rich,
and devoted to the feet of his parents, and whose mind was attached
to the supreme Deity, was Louhitya Sindhu the sagelF as a friend.

Its water was made fragrant with the scent arising from the
flowers dropped from the creeping plants moved by the long drawn
breathing of the serpents, startled at the cries of the wild peacocks
and various other birds reposing on the lofty trees of the eastern
mountain, while all sides were occupied by the numerous elephants,
horses, and foot soldiers of Vanamala.

Further, its streams were intermixed with the odorous water of the
clouds, composed of the gashes of the Kalaguru trees (black aloe wood)
burning by the conflagration of its adjacent groves.

The inhabitants near its banks were all delighted with the smell
arising from the musk of the deer, which were in diiferent places col-
lected, grazing on the fragrant pastures of the Eastern mountain, and
further of those that were in many places killed by the wolves, as well
as by NatU7'e, and were left unconsumed thereon.

Further, its streams were more sacred than those of others, from their
continually washing the sides of the mount Kdmakutay which is inha-
bited on its tops by Kdmeswara (a Siva) and Mahd Gouri (his wife)
whose footstools are brightened with the crown jewels of all the Suras

* The black spots that are generally visible in her, are usually described by poets
as the marks of her disgrace and shame.

t Saraswati.

:^ I cannot conceive what the poet means by this metaphor,

^ By his giving wives, is meant that it was his custom to assist those with expenses
whom the want of money rendered unable to marry.

II This word is of two meanings, one who talks much, and of whom men speak much.

IT Here the river is personified as a sage. In Sanscrit the river Brahmaputra is said
to have been a male river.

] 840.1 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 77^

(gods) and the Asuras. And moreover it was turbid with the odorous
substances which were besmeared over and washed from the high
breasts of the bathing lovely females, and adorned on both the banks
with boats or ships; which (boats or ships) were like the Velxa*
females, adornedt with various ornaments ; like female children orna-
mented with sonorous kiukinii (a girdle set with small bells) ; — like
Varastris (courtezans) holding:}: chamara (chowrees) ; — like the wives
of Dashavadana (Ravana) bearing the marks of Dashana§ (teeth) round
them; — like the Kaminis (wives) of Pavana (the god of wind) pos-
sessed of Vega|| (swiftness) ; — like the women of Danuhanga (a nation)
attractive of all minds ;1[ and like Devapalis (inferior gods) ever existent
above,* and whose (boats) Vega is samvardhita, (augmented or in-
flamed) like that of the Carnatic females by KaMinabhighataf.

Further, their U'tkampaX is augmented like that of the girls danc-
ing with their male companions.

There was a person named Bhijjata, who was the illuminator of the
Sandelya line, — liberal, — pious, — devoted to the gods, and studious
in Yajurveda, and its angas§ (subordinate parts.) His wife named
Sabhrdyekdj who was pious, endowed with all the Brahmanical
qualities, and descended from a respectable family, was married to
him according to the Brahma Vidhi,

To their son, who was himself a priest studious in the Vedas,
possessed of noble qualities, and superiority, and whose name was
Indoka, the king Vanamala has granted the village named Abhissura^
vdtaka, which is furnished with fertile lands, and the reservoirs of
water, and the undermentioned eight boundaries on the west of
Trisrota (the Ganga-river) for the virtue of his parents.

* Name of a tribe. This Veshisana (adjective) is to be applied to both the boats and
the females.

t Oars at that time were generally bound with Kinkinis round them, as are now the
paddles of snake boats.

X Boats and ships had always been at that time beautified with chamaras and flags,
&c.

§ The persons of the wives of Ravana, who had ten mouths, bore the marks of as
many lines of teeth. This when relating to the boats means that the earrings thereon
were visible like the marks of teeth.

II This is applicable to both the boats and the wives of Ravana .

II The boats were so beautiful that they were pleasing to all.

* Here the word a6ove, means above the surface of water when connected with the
boats, and sky when with the gods.

f Here the words Vega and Kathindhhighdta are both of two meanings. The former
means amorous lustre and speed — and the latter strong embrace and haste^ when they
are in turn connected with the females and the boats.

X V'tkampa, when relating to the girls, means a motion used in dancing ; and tremu-
lous motion when relating to the boats ; i. e. when the boats are danced on by men,
they appear as it were dancing themselves too by the pressure of those moving on
them.

§ The Angas are as follow : — Sikshd, or the science of pronunciation, and articula-
tion J Kalpa the detail of religious ceremonies ; Vydkarana or grammar ; C'hhandas
prosody ; Jyotish or astronomy ; and Nirukti or the explanation of the difficult or ob-
scure words, or phrases that occur in the Vedas.

A mode of marriage, the presentation of the bride, elegantly adorned, by the father
to the bridegroom whom he has invited.

It is bounded on the west hy Dashalangasabha; on the south-east by Chandra,
on the west by Nakuvasava, and on the north-east by Dashalangala Sabhasa. — Sam-
vat. 19.

776 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104.

Abstract Lineage of Vanamala. By Pundit Kamalakanta.

The first Baraha had a son named Naraka from the earth (his wife ;) Naraka had two
sons named Bhaga-datta and Vajra-datta, and was himself slain by Krishna, who being
affected by the mournings of his wife, made Bhaga-datta her son king of Pragj yotisha.

From his line descended Pralambha, who also succeeded to the Guddee of
Pragj yotisha.

From his queen, whose name was Jivada, was born Hajara, who also had named
Vanamala from Tdrd his wife.

Note 5yPMwdi^ Kamalakanta.

Three letters of the third quarter next to the words Armbhakrirat of the first Sloka,
which is in the Sragdhara C'hhanda, have been obliterated, the three letters Subhusha
are placed in lieu of them.

Here the reason of inserting ra in the place of rha is, that the inhabitants of that
place (of Assam) can not with ease pronounce the latter, and therefore they are liable
to make use of the former {ra) both in their speaking and writing.

At the end the word Tresrotdyd, which is the mistake of the writer, should be Tres-
rotasa, as Vanamala was himself master of even the territories situated on the banks of
Ganga [it is probable] he personally went there, and after performing sacrifices granted
lands to YdgneJcdchdrya on its western bank.

Granting lands with Tamrasasana is said to have been reward of y^ga [ceremonies.]

All this is described also in Sisupdlavadha [the work in which the death of Sisupala
is described.]

Note on the above.

The early history of those tracts on the banks of the Brahmapootra
which lie to the north-east of Bengal, and which are now for the most
part either forest land, tenanted only by wild animals, or wastes partially
reclaimed and inhabited by tribes nearly as wild as the beast of the forest,
is unfortunately involved in singular obscurity. The soil of Assam Proper
is of great fertility, its products are numerous, and the results of the indus-
try of the inhabitants and of settlers, encouraged and fostered by the equi-
table rule, and efficient protection of the British Government, prove that
the land is capable of supporting the densest population. The character
of the extensive hilly country between Assam, and Cachar, and Munipore,
would appear to be not dissimilar ; and we in fact have the strongest proof
that the whole of these tracts were at a former period thickly inhabited by
a people far advanced in civilization. The immense earth works which
traverse Assam forming at once dams for the retention of water, and com-
modious roads across the flooded country, the extensive ruins in Chardwar,
(Jour. As. Soc. vol. iv. No. 40, April 1835,) the remains of the ancient city
of Dhemapoor, in the Naga country, are not the only proofs extant of the
power, wealth, and energy of the former inhabitants of these tracts. It
is however very unfortunate that among the numerous remains already
discovered, no inscriptions have been found, which could lead to conclusions
as to their real history. Capt. Westmacott (formerly Assistant to the Gover-
nor General's Agent on the North East Frontier) has indeed in the able pa-
per above alluded to, sketched from tradition, and such records as are
extant, a history of the early monarchs who ruled at Pora in Chardwar ;
but as regards the general history of the country, we have little that can be
looked upon as authentic. " The very numerous remains of stone temples,"
says Major Jenkins in a letter to me, " all completely overthrown (except
some of quite modern date, erected out of the ancient structures) speak
of long periods of prosperity, and great revolutions of which we are entirely
ignorant. From one of the temples at Hajoo being frequented by pil-
grims from all parts of Thibet, and Tartary, I imagine the Boodhist
faith formerly prevailed in Assam, and this may account in part for the
destruction of the temples. That faith was succeeded perhaps by the

1840.] Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 777

Brahminical under the Pals (i. e. the Pal dynasty) ; they were swept away
by the Koches, who probably were not Hindoos till they ceased to be con-
querers, as was the case with the Ahoms, who with the Mahometans then
contended for Kamroop, and both perhaps destroying the temples which
fell into their power." I am strongly inclined to concur with Major Jenkins
in the opinion he expresses as to the probable prevalence of Boodhism in
Assam at an early period ; its supercession by Hindoo invaders ; and the
consequent destruction of the temples now extant. The following extracts
from the Mahabharat, and Roghuvanso, are of authority, as proving the
early power of the Rajas of Prajyotisha, and their early wars. I owe both
these quotations to Pundit Sarodhaprosad.

The following slokas as quoted from the 4:th chapter of Roghuvanso.

" 81st. While Roghii crossed the river Louhitya Sindhu (Brahmaputra) the king
Pragjyotisha (Kamroop) as well as the kalaguru trees* to which were tied the
elephants of Roghii trembled.

82nd. How could he (the king of Pragjyotisha) stand forth against the advancing
army of Roghu, when he could not withstand the rising vast dust of his cars which
entirely covered the sun, and were like a day dark with clouds, but without shower.

83rd. Him (to Roghu) who surpassed Akhandala (Indra) in power, the king of
Kamarupa visited with all his elephants, which were exuding juice from their temples,
(i. e. they were in a state of fury) and which he invaded others with. The king of
Kamarupa worshipped the shadow of the feet of Roghu, the ruling deity, of his footstool
with the flowers of valuable jewels.

Mahabharat Bhishmavahda Parava, Section 75.

O superior to man, the king of Pragjyotisha is on the centre of the entrenchment
attended with Madra, Souvera^ and Kekaya, and his numerous army.

Section 112.

Then the Raja of Pragjyotisha cut off the large bow of Madhava with his sharp
bhalla (a species of spear).

Amid the uncertainty 1 have described above, it is gratifying to find
something in the shape of documentary evidence, speaking to a direct
historical fact, as in the case of the copper plate which Captain Jenkins
has enabled me to present to the readers of the Journal. With this, and
the other plate purporting to be a grant by Dhurmpal, we have two
documents bearing respectively the dates 19 and 36 of an unknown aera.
I will endeavour to prove that this sera must have been the one adopted
by the Hindoo conquerors of Assam as their own ; a fact which would
strongly corroborate the more than plausible supposition that the former
possessors of the land whom they subdued, were Boodhists, or at any rate
of a different faith from their own.

For this purpose however I must in the first instance express my reason
for differing with the opinion which would, I think, destroy the local
application of the aera, the idea namely that the grant now before us rela-
ted to lands on the hanks of the Ganges, or real Gunga, an opinion which
it will be seen is held by Kamalakanta, as also by other capable authori-
ties whom I have consulted. My views could not be better expressed than
in the following extract from a note addressed to me in answer to a refer-
ence on the subject by one of our members, Baboo Prosunno Comar
Takoor : —

* The black aloe wood.

n^ Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104.

"m^*^^ ''^^'^^■^"ce ^'^ your note with its enclosures on the subject of the Assam
t ) \5"f^^5| Tamba Putur, (1) containing grants of land on the banks of the

(2) ct^i Ganges, (2) I have much pleasure in communicating my thoughts
'"ti on the subject, and which I hope will clear up the mystery,

namely how the Rajah of Assam could grant lands on the banks of the Ganges.

" It appears from Captain Jenkins' letter, that the grants were discovered near the
station of Tezpore, in the Durrung division, and that those grants specified the lands as

(3) ^TSjTg^ ' Burmutter' (3) by ' Dharmopala' ; (4) and each grant with the
. v*.^ • prefix of the figure of Ganesa(5). You will find on referring to

(4) ^fsST^tSI JDr. M' Cosh's Topography of Assam, page 93, that 'the

(5) ctr «• northern central Assam, or Durrung, or Tezpore, (the place
9Tc«i*r of the discovery of the grants) is bounded from Nowdowar on

the east by the river BurilL* Here is the mystery. The river Burili is called

(6) TSfafgy in the language of the country Bhurili(6), and the sacred

^ \t name for the same river is Vasishty Gunga,(7) or Ganges,

^^ "^tf^fl^^^l which you will be able to ascertain from the learned people of

that country through Captain Jenkins. Thus the land alluded to in the grant must

be on the banks of this Ganges ; and not of ours. Gunga, corruptly called Ganges,

is not the exclusive name for our river. For instance, the latter should properly be

(8) 'vS1'«?t'Z9?t'«ts1 called Bhagiruity-Gunga.(8) And there are others, such as

''''^'^' ''^' Shutu-Gunga(9j in Orissa, Boory- Gunga, (10) at Dacca, Tool-

^^^^^^ see-Gunga(ll) at Rungpore, and so on, in various places.
THstff^ ^^^ ^^^ Sanscrit writers of the grants and Sanscrit authors,
/■j^N ^^. particularly on the occasion of compiling poetical compositions,

'SSfjft^Wl *or the sake of metre, emphatically omit the proper epithets ap-
plied to the word Ganges. This may account for the word Ganges being used in
the grants with the omission of the adjective Vasishty.

" The inference of the grants of the land being on the banks of the Vasishty Gunga,

and not on ours, is further supported by the name of the granter, namely, Dharmapala.

This sovereign of Assam was distinguished for having embraced the Bhraminical

(12) 7t^Ci religion, and invited Brahmins (12) from Gour(13) to his court

- -^V^ north of the Burramapooter, and also from Mithela(J4) to co-

(^3) ^^"vg Ionise in his country. Thus it is quite natural that from the

C14) fVr^J veneration in which he held the ministers of his new religion,

^ ■' T'l'T^^ he granted to them, and generally to colonists of the same sect,

lands free of rent, which accounts for the three grants discovered near Durrung,

situated likewise on the north side of the Burramapooter ; and many others may be

found in time. It may be conjectured that the monarch had his capital situated

in the vicinity of Tezpore, perhaps in some place near or at Chardwar, being one

of the four divisions of Durrung, as we still find the ruins of ancient temples and

other edifices on that spot (vide Journal of the Asiatic Society, April 1835, page 185.)"

I perfectly concur in thinking that this explanation relieves us of the
necessity of supposing Vanamala to have possessed lands on the banks
of the real Gunga, (carrying thus into Bengal Proper the name of a ruler,
and an sera unknown there), and further of being compelled to admit a
violation of the rule, which all experience of the discovery of ancient
copper grants teaches us, namely, that the Tamba patur is invariably found
upon the land to which its contents relate.

Taking Hujara, or Vanamala, as a Raja ruling only in Chardwar and its
vicinity, we have next to trace his existence with reference to what of
history is still extant as regards the ancient Assamese dynasties. The
late Captain Pemberton, whom I consulted on this point, was of opinion
that what Mr. James Prinsep, (Useful Tables, p. 118) calls the Induvansa
dynasty, "though," to use Captain Pemberton's words, "it should have
been the Ahom, or Ahong dynasty, and not Indu," was to be found in the
list composing the Pal dynasty, commencing with Chukapha in 1230 a. d.
" There can be no doubt that this race of kings by whom the conquest of
Assam was effected in the thirteenth century crossed the mountains known
as the Pal hole, or Pal mountains, which separate Assam from the moun-
tainous region on the western frontier of China, near the sources of the
Irawaddee river of Ava, and we may fairly conclude that the term Pal has

1840.] Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 779

been applied to them from the circumstance of their having first poured
down upon the plains of Assam from the passes of the Pal mountains.
Certain it is, that they were a branch of the great Shan tribe which
under various modifications occupies the whole tract of country between
Munipore and Yunon, extending down to Siam."

There is, I think, little doubt but that the so-called Induvansa dynasty
were the Ahom conquerors, (though not a. d. 1230) of Assam ; but they
cannot be identical with the Pals, because we have before us evidence
of Dhurmpal's being a Hindoo Raja, and we know that neither were the
Ahoms in fact Hindoos, nor could they be so, coming whence they did ; there
is moreover no trace of Hindoo religionism among their descendants.
Putting this supposition therefore aside, I will take up Captain Jenkins'
list of the Pal Rajas, which Mr. James Prinsep seems to have considered
in a great measure apocryphal, as he does not insert them in his tables,
and indeed notes, with marked incredulity, the tradition of Dhurmapala
having brought Brahmins into Assam from Gaur, a fact however proved by
the plate granting the Maha Rudra Dewalee, and proved further to have
been a practice with his predecessors by Vanamala's grant. In Captain
Jenkins' list we have after Ramchundra (a Hindoo ?), the word jaintee^
which Captain J. suggests may allude to the country of Jainteah, but
which I am inclined to think has reference to the conqueror {Jynti, or Jytari
jy — victory) who is noted by Captain Westmacott, (Journal Asiatic Society,
vol. IV. No. 40) as follows, " Shribahu, ninth sovereign of the second
dynasty, was vanquished by Vikramaditya, and was succeeded by Jytari,
a pious Chhatri from the Dekhan, who overcame Kamroop, and on ascending
the throne assumed the title of Dharma-pala." Now there is nothing more
natural than that a Hindoo leader of the military class, successful in his
attack on a foreign land, should be emphatically called jytari, " the con-
queror," or that having established the religion he professed(?) in the
country, he should take a title (Dharma pala) expressive of his fosterage
of the true faith, giving thence a title to his dynasty, were it not, as I shall
show, already peculiar to one whence he sprang. A descendant of his,
according to Capt. Westmacott's authority, by name Rama Chundra
began his reign a. s. 1160, (a. d. 1238-9) " and is the first prince the
date of whose accession is commemorated in the volume," whence the
authority is taken, and which makes him twenty-fourth sovereign of part
of ancient Kamroop, and the eleventh of the third dynasty of its kings.
Chundra Pal, the seventh from Jytari in Capt. Jenkins' list, may be
identical vdth this sovereign, and the notice of the date of his accession,
according to the ordinary sera, may have been consequent on his having been,
the first to abandon the custom of dating by what we may call the Pal cera,
two dates of which we find on the Assam copper plates, and which must
certainly have fallen into disuse at no remote period after its establish-
ment, the dates on the grant being the first notice we have of its ex-
istence. Now it is worthy of remark, how well these dates seem to apply to the
list of Rajas in Capt. Jenkins' Pal dynasty, allowing the fair average of
12 years to a reign, and beginning with Jytari, its founder. We have after
his immediate successor, Japandu Pal, (Prulumbha? v. 7. Sloka of the
inscription), the name of Hari (Hujara?) Pal, in whom we may reason-
ably recognise the Raja surnamed Vanamala, who in the year 19 of the
dynasty of which he is third, granted lands to Brahmins on the Vashishty-
Gunga; he is immediately followed by Dhumba, or Dhurma Pala, one
of whose grants has been found with the date 36 of the Pal sera. Thence
to Rama Chundra, or Chundra Pal, we have only two, instead of, as should
be the case by Capt. Westmacott's authority, six Raja's names, and from

780 Ancient Land Grants in Assam, [No. 104

Rama Chundra (a. d. 1238) to Sukanangka, or Sukrank, son of Gujanka,
or Gujank according to Capt. Westmacott, with whom the Jytari dynasty-
expired (a. d. 1478), we have 13 Rajas occupying a period of 240 years,
at an average reign of 21 years and a fraction, which is rather above the
ordinary admitted chronological average. It may however be, that names
after, as well before, Ram Chundra, or Chundra Pal, may have been omit-
ted. In any sort, the assignment of a date to the Pal sera in our own
must be mainly conjectural ; but taking Major Jenkins' list as correct, at the
average of 12 years to each reign, from about the death of Jytari, when I
suppose the Pal sera to begin, to the accession of Chundra Pal in a. d.
1238, we should have it commence at about a. d. 1178, or, if four addi-
tional reigns be admitted, according to Capt. Westmacott, a. d. 1130. It
remains for my readers to consider whether they would suppose it likely that
Hindooism had been established prior to that in Assam (as the apparently-
fabulous tradition would go to prove), or whether it is not more correct to
conclude, that it made its way into the country about that period.

I need not remark on the confusion of the lists of Rajas. Shubahu,
whom Jytari succeeded by conquest, according to one account, is possibly
the Suhahu of Major Jenkins' list, between whom and the conqueror 10 names
intervene. It is much, in such absence of authenticity, to arrive, as I trust
we have done, at even some approximation to the truth.

I should howcA'er omit one most remarkable point regarding the Pal
Rajas of Assam, did I fail to note that the Rajas of Bengal (having their
capital at Gaur) were themselves a Pal dynasty, and that the name Dhurma
Pala has been found on two copper plates, the Monghir and Dinajpor
plates, which record kings of that race, both evidently referring to the
same individual. The date of this potentate is given by Abul Fuzl, a. d.
1027, which differs as regards Dhurma Pala from our calculation, and thus,
independently of the discrepancies of other names in our present and
the former plates, disproves the identity of our Dhurma Pala with him
of Gaur. Still however it is very plain that a Pal Hindoo conqueror of
Assam, who brought Brahmins from the capital of that country, must have
belonged to that family, though he was, it would I think appear, but a
junior branch, or off-shoot from it.

Boodhism therefore was expelled from Assam by Hindoos from Bengal,
but I cannot help adding a few more words on the subject of the history of
Assam, in order to show that the subsequent Koche and Ahom invasions
must have so wholly destroyed the Hindoo dynasties above noted, as to
lead to the belief generally entertained among the people of the country
of the introduction of that religion into it at a period so recent as the last
century. The following comparatively modern inscriptions, which the
Society owes to the kindness of Lieut. P. H. Sale (Engineers) are printed
without literal translations (although I took care to have them made), as
Lieut. Sale's abstract of their contents is quite sufficient for all purposes
required. I should mention, that I found Lieut. Sale's letter among the
papers made over to me, when I took charge temporarily of the Secretary's
duties. His communication, though long unnoticed, has not been made in
vain, and its publication will, I trust, lead to his again addressing the
Society. His letter is as follows : —

" I beg to send you the accompanying facsimiles of inscriptions, which I took in the
neighbourhood of Gowahatty, when I passed through that city in January, 1838. They
can lay no claim to antiquity, and I doubt not that I have been forestalled ; however,
they throw light on the period when Hindooism first extended into the province of
Assam. The Kamakhshya temple is said to be the first Hindoo place of worship
erected in these parts ; the renown of its great sanctity extends far and wide, and many
pilgrims seek the purification of their souls at this shrine. The temple is situated on
a hill, about 40U feet high ; on the ascent to it is a colossal figure of Betal carved upon

1840.] Ancient Land Grants in Assam, 781

a large piece of rock, and on the top, near to the great temple, is a figure of Hunooman.
At the foot of the hill a small figure of Gunaish is cut on a boulder, by the side of
which is the inscription marked No. 1. I perceived no inscriptions on the other stones.
No. 2 is an inscription on the Dhol Mundip of the temple named Asakrunta, on the
opposite or right bank of the Burrumpooter. No. 3 was taken from a stone by the side
of a tank, about two miles from Gowahatti, on the Nowagaon road. The copies on the
English paper are the inscriptions within the temple of Kamakhshya, to which I had
no access, and were taken for me by the Suddur Ameen, Juggoo Kam Phookaw ; all
the inscriptions, I believe, are in the Assamese character.

" I might enter into a long description of the picturesque situationof these Mundurs,
but it might be out of place, and I shall rest perfectly satisfied, if the copies may prove
of the slightest use."

** If we leave out the ornamental parts of the poetry (being praises of the princes and
the goddess) the inscription informs us that the principal temple of Kamakhya has
been built by Shukla Diva and Shukla Dhwaja, the vounger brothers of Malladiva
(the king of Behar) in 1487. Equivalent to 1566 a. d.''^

782 Ancient Land Grants in Assam, [No. 104.

" This inscription states, that by order of Shwurgu Diva Pramatta Singha, the king of
Assam (his viceroy or Navab) Taruna Duvara Bara Phukkan, built the Doljatra
mandap of Kamakhya in Shakabon 1672. Equivalent to 1751 a. d."

"This inscription (near Ganesha) informs us that by order of Pramatta Singha, the
Raja of Assam, (his viceroy or Navab) Taruna Duvara Bara Phukkan, did dig up the
Durga Sarobara (or tank of the goddess Durga) in Shakabon 1666. Equivalent to
1747, A. D.

The similarity of the name (No. 1.) ShuMa, to that of ChuTcra Dwaja
(noted in Useful Tables as Raja of Assam in 1621) would lead me to con-
clude that the persons are identical, especially as the descent of the late
Assamese reigning family from that of Cooch Behar is well known, were it
not that Mr. Prinsep's date, attested by dates on coins, and that of the
inscription, differ by fifty-five years.

ft

783

Memoir on the Hodesum (improperly called Kolehmi.)—By Lieut-

TiCKELL.

(Continued from page 709.)

The Hos villages are in general unpicturesque, owing to their
building on high barren spots, where the trees attain no size; they
are very irregular, each house being separated and hedged in by itself,
with its own little plot for planting maize, til, or tobacco; a street for
suggers, generally runs through the village, and in the centre, an open
space of turf, shaded by two or three tamarind trees, contains the
slabs of stone under which the " rude forefathers of the hamlet sleep."
On these stones the people assemble daily to talk or lounge, when
there is no work to do in the fields. They scarcely ever build by
rivers, preferring the vicinity of some small spring. The beautiful
Byturnee, every wind of whose stream would be a subject for the
artist's pencil, or the poet's pen, runs its crystal waters through regi-
ons of deserted forests, where the vastness of canopying trees, and the
luxuriance of wild vegetation, show the richness of the soil ; while four
or five miles inland, the country is populous and well cultivated. I have
never satisfactorily ascertained the reason of this bad taste ; but among
other causes, I have been told it was for fear of their little children
tumbling into the water ! Whatever it may be, the open, barren spots
they select are more healthy than those selected for beauty would be.

A Hos if he be worth three or four ploughs, lives in a very comfort-
able manner. The houses of the Moondas and Mankees are substan-
tial and capacious, built so as to enclose a square. The walls are of
stout and well joined stockading work, covered with mud, and
neatly " leeped" or plastered with cow-dung, or chalk and water.
The principal buildiog is commonly ornamented with a verandah
(Pindegee,) supported on carved wooden pillars, and covered
with an excellent thatched roof. It is divided into three compart-
ments— a sleeping room, an eating room, and one for general stowage.
Opposite this house, and about thirty paces off, is another of ruder
construction, for servants, travellers, or guests, and the flanks are
joined by " Byres," or cow-houses, a granary, and often a pig-stye. In
the centre of the square generally stands a pigeon-house, built of logs,
on high timbers, neatly thatched over. None of their villages are ex-
tensive, owing to the dislike they have to congregate together, for fear

784 The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan), [No. 104.

of fire or contagious diseases ; so that the crest of almost every rising
ground throughout the country, is occupied by a few scattered houses.
The nomad tribes of Hos, who inhabit the hilly tracts, are obliged to
move every third year, to make fresh clearings in the forest. The
soil in these places is very rich for the first sowings, but not being
manured, gets exhausted in three or four years.

The Hos wear very little clothing ; even the most opulent among
them, who have quantities of cloth and ornaments, prefer keeping
their finery shut up at home, for the purpose of adding to the
pageantry of their funerals. Their raiment consists of a doputta,
(which is gladly thrown off, unless on state occasions) and a neat
narrow dhotee, called " Botoe." They wear the hair oiled and comb-
ed backward, and fastened in a " toupee" behind, but unlike the
Oraous and Moondas of Chota Nagpoor, adorn their heads with no
ornaments. The men however are fond of earrings and small beads,
or plaited necklaces and bracelets ; most of them also wear charms
against snakes, tigers, or diseases, tied round their necks. These the
Hindoos in the neighbourhood make a profitable trade of, in selling
to them. The women of the lowest order go about in a disgusting
state of nudity, wearing nothing but a miserably insufficient rag
round the loins, at the same time their breasts and necks are loaded
with immense bunches of bead necklaces, of which they are extrava-
gantly fond. They perform the hardest duties in the fields, digging,
shovelling, weeding, drawing water, and getting in wood from the
jungles. Constant exposure and work renders them prematurely shri-
velled and ugly; the young women and girls of the better classes
are however a striking exception. They are well, and at times hand-
somely dressed, with a tasteful proportion of ornaments, without the
stupid shyness and false modesty thought proper among Hindoo
women ; they are becoming and decorous in their manners, most
pleasing in their looks, and doubly engaging from the frank and con-
fiding simplicity which true innocence alone gives ; some few of them
are very pretty, although more roughly cast than Hindoo girls. Their
open, happy countenances, snowy white teeth, and robust, upright
figures, remind one of Swiss peasant girls. Prostitution is quite un-
known among them, and no more restraint is placed on females than
in our own country.

1840.] The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan) , 785

The men are fine powerful fellows, and while young, very handsome.
The early use of the bow expands the chest and sets the muscles while
yet mere boys, and their passion for the chase, which they pursue over
their steep and rugged hills, brings their lower limbs into a state of
training which the best " Phulwan" of the plains of India might envy.

The Hos are keen sportsmen, a fact which the *' Saheb Log" at
Chyebassa soon found to their cost ; their Manton's and Purdey's,
and Westley Richard's, might as well have been left unpurchased, for
scarcely a living thing in the shape of game could show itself in
the neighbourhood, without the country being up in pursuit. In the
quail season, when the " d'han" is cut, every herdsman tending his
cattle has his hawk on his fist, besides large parties of youngsters from
the villages, who keep close ahead of the cattle, and the instant
a quail or partridge rises, the nearest " Reechee" or ''Chikra" cuts
short his existence. I have frequently, returning home with an empty
bag, met parties of them with provoking bunches of dead quail in their
hands. On these occasions they would laugh heartily at the success of
their system over mine, but generally end by offering me half of their
spoils. My retaliation used to be in the snipe (khets.) These birds,
they confessed, their hawks could not overtake, and a successful right
and left shot would restore the credit of the " Boondookoo."

From the burning of the grass till the new crop becomes too
high, i.e., between January and June, they scour the jungles in
large parties, and at uncertain periods, for wilder game, surrounding
and driving to a centre the deer and other animals. But the grand
meeting is in May, about the " Cheyt Purub," when people of all sects
and classes repair to the hills north of Singbhoom. The prelimi-
naries of the " Hankwa" are arranged by ambassadors and emissaries
from Singbhoom, the Kolehan, and the Jungle Mehals, and vast
multitudes draw in from every quarter, from Sikrbhoom, from near
Bankoorah, and Medneepoor, on the east, and from the borders of
Chota Nagpoor on the west. On the given day, these crowds, extended
in lines, draw towards a common centre, sweeping the Jankeebooroo
hills and other ranges which reach from Chota Nagpoor to the Soobern-
rekha river, separating Tamar from Singbhoom; as the lines approach
each other, the slaughter commences. The uproar is difiicult to des-
cribe, and the scene the wildest imagination can picture. Those deep

786 The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104.

secluded vallies, those barely pervious dells, the huge solitary hills
tops, buried in one vast sheet of pathless jungle, which except on
this annual occasion are never visited by man, now swarm with
countless hordes. In front of them the different animals pass and
repass, bewildered by opposing hosts. The huge gowers rouse from
their noon-day retreats, and stalk with stately steps along the hill side,
till infuriated by the increasing din, they rush through the forest,
heedless of rock or ravine, and rending the branches in their ponde-
rous flight — the wild buffaloes thunder across, brandishing their im-
mense horns, stamping and wheeling round their young ones ; — the I
neel gyes gallop past like a charge of cavalry. The stately saumer,
the beautiful axis, the barking deer or muntjac, dash along, clear-
ing the copse wood with flying bounds, and suddenly stopping with
erect ears and recurved neck, as the tainted gale warns of danger J
a head. The fairy-like ^^Orey," or small red deer, with noiseless feet I
comes skimming over the tangled underwood, skipping in wild starts I
to the right and left, and sorely bewildering a host of t'hakoors, rajas,
and their body guard, who perched upon mechans, (scaffolds) in vain
try to bring their lengthy matchlocks to bear ; — with snort and puff a
* sounder' of pigs scurry through. The redoubled uproar from without,
draws the attention to something which has excited the beaters. The
reeds and grass are seen to wave, as if some bulky form were sliding
through them, and at length, loath to leave the haunts which had con-
cealed him so long, out comes the tiger, with a lumping, stealthy trot,
crouching to the earth, with ears quivering and turning to catch every
sound. He has soon passed on into the leafy depths, from which his
hollow growl may be occasionally heard. And last of all, as tht
peacocks begin to mount into the air, and the jungle fowl with noisy
cackle take wing, a loud sonorous grunt or shout ushers in the sturdy
old " Bhaloo," who forced from the friendly shelter of rocks, comeg
bundling over the ground, and shaking his sides in a heavy gallop,
oft stopping, wheeling round, and threatening his enemies. The reports
of matchlocks ; the '' click" of the arrows striking against trees ; th(
shouts of the multitude; the roars, screams, and groans of th(
animals ; the piping of flutes ; the beating of drums ; the braying
of trumpets, reach their climax, and the multitude, composed of all
classes and sorts, meet near the raja's mechan to compare notes of the

1840.] The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan), 7B7

sport. Here are the ever-dancing and singing-Sontals, dressed out in
flowers and feathers, with flutes ornamented with streamers made
of pith ; the wild Kurrias, or hill men, from the Luckisinnee hills in
Borahbhoom ; the Koormees, Taunties, Soondees, Gwallas, Bhoo-
mijes, &c, with sonorus ' dammas' or kettle drums, and other uncouth
music, armed with swords, bulwas, and bows and arrows of every
description ; the Hos, simple and unpretending, but with the heavi-
est game bags ; the little ill-featured Tamarias, with spears, shields,
and matchlocks ; the Nagpoor Moondas, with huge ornaments stuck
through their ears, indifferently armed with bows and arrows, clubs, or
bulwas; the southern Koles, and the far comer from Sarnda with
their chain earrings and monstrous pugrees ; the Bhooians with
their long bows ornamented with horse tails, or the feathers of the
blue jay, and their immense barbed arrows ; the Pykes of the rajas,
koonwrs, thakoors and other zemindars with their shields, tulwars,
powder-horns, and immense matchlocks with rests, dressed out in all
colours ; lastly, the rajas, thakoors, &c. themselves, with guns of Delhi
manufacture, prodigious scimetars, or an occasional *^ Angrezee bun-
dook," the gift of some sahib long passed from the scene, seldom
fired, but kept for show in a venerable clothing of rust. Mid great
shouting and gabbling the parties claim and carry off their several
heads of game, or wrangle for the arrows sticking in the carcasses and
elsewhere about ; all then repair to the banks of the nearest stream,
where they form their temporary camps ; fires are lighted, the game
is cut up, bundles of provisions unpacked, and for a mile or upwards
along the wooded vista, the clear bright water reflects innumerable
groups, which on either bank are cooking, eating, drinking, sleeping,
laughing, or dancing.

Such is the faint description of a scene in which I have often
mingled, and look back to with much regret;

" 'Tis merry, 'tis merry in good green wood,"
and the sports of these simple people in their sylvan retreats must
afford the highest excitement and pleasure to all in whom to a passion
for field sports is joined a love for the beauties of nature, here seen
in her wildest and most striking attire.

These people have no amusements, with the exception of their
hunting and fishing excursions, and the dancing and singing during

788 The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan), [No. 104.

their festivals. The youngest boys stalk about birds nesting, armed
with a small bow and arrow, or employ themselves fishing. Though
cheerful, they are as manly as their fathers in appearance, and I have
never seen them engaged in any game, nor am I aware that any
are known by them. In Hindoo villages, groups of children may
be seen constantly engaged in some puerile amusement, such as
trap and ball, prisoner's bars, peg-top, mock processions, &c. ; and the
older ones in fighting cocks, quail, or rams. But these appear to
afford no pleasure to the Hos; on calm summer evenings they are
fond of assembling at their doors to listen to the flute, the girls sing in
concert, the younger ones go through the quiet demure dance of the
country, and papa and mamma sit aloof looking approvingly on,
and solacing themselves with a little " Eely" ; while twilight lingers,
their happy laughing voices, or the wild humming melody of their
songs is heard ; but no squabbling, no abuse or high words, no " Gallee,"
none of the vile traits of common Hindoostanee life, ever offend the ear.

The language of their songs is poetical and pleasing ; it would not
however bear translation. Ideas which in the English idiom would be
dull and stupid, and words which would be common place, in the
smooth mellifluous accents of their dialect sound interesting, and often
beautiful. A few of their songs I have copied and translated at the
end of the vocabulary, &c.

Their dances are almost similar to those of the Dhangurs, Santals,
and other jungle people. The men and musicians are generally in the
centre of a large circle composed of women, locked with their arms
round each other ; the circle is headed by the eldest matrons, and
brought up by the smallest girls, a space being left between, they
chassez backwards and forwards, keeping exact time, and going slow-
ly round the men in the centre. Sometimes another large circle of
men forms outside them, but all step with the greatest exactness to
the tune, and the effect is most singular and pleasing. The " Magh
Purub" dance, when they go scampering through the villages four or
six abreast, and in close column, is very like our " Gallope," and when
the performers are well dressed, I have seldom seen any thing prettier.
Marriage Ceremonies.

When a young man has seen a girl who pleases him, he goes home
and calls together four or six respectable men of his acquaintance,

1840.] The Hodesum (improperly called KolehanJ. 7B9

to whom he communicates his wishes respecting her. They in-
stitute inquiries regarding the means, wealth, and respectability of
the family, and if accounts are good, they set off to the girl's parents'
house, taking a brass kutorah or a p'hool one a present, and tell the
parents the young man's wishes. On their way to the house they
note carefully all the signs that occur, as the flight of vultures, the
song of the " ooi oe" or Mindanao thrush, and the appearance of jackals,
taking care they should remain on the same hand they were met
with. Should the conference terminate favourably, the deputation is
feasted and kept one day at the house, and the signs they have
noticed on the road are recounted and carefully expounded by men
versed in augury. The next day the deputation returns again,
noting the signs on the road ; and in this manner they pass and
repass between the houses of the parties, bearing messages and settling
the marriage terms. These go-betweens are called " Dootams." People
also from the girl's side go to the bridegroom's, taking note in their
journeys likewise of the signs on the road.

Should the omens be interpreted to be very bad, to portend death,
or disease, &c., they determine to break off the match for a time, and
appoint a meeting the next day, with " Eely" and fowls, to have a sacri-
fice on the road, half-way between the bride and bridegroom's houses.
The next day they accordingly, to the number of four or six on each
side, meet halfway, and go through the sacrifice to the " Singbonga,"
after which they tear a saul leaf in two between them and declare the
marriage null and void. The whole ceremony is concluded by a prayer
to " Singbonga," begging that if the parties still wish to be united, he
will vouchsafe to give them better omens the next time they negociate.

After some time the Dootams from the bridegroom go again to the
bride's house, this time there is no notice taken of tokens ; they give
notice that the bridegroom with his father and mother are coming on
a visit. A day or two afterwards, the young man with his parents set
off, and are received at the bride's house, when mutual inquiries as to
property, possessions, and the desire of the parties for wedlock, are again
set on foot. All being satisfactorily answered, the parents settle the
price to be paid by the bridegroom's father. This is generally twenty,
thirty, forty, or fifty head of cattle, according to the old gentle-
man's means ; sometimes, when the requisite number of cattle cannot

790 The Hodesum (improperly called KolehanJ, [No. 104.

be paid, rupees, goats, sheep, or dhan, are given to make up the num-
ber. For every thirty head of cattle, one plough of bullocks and a
buffalo, also a few brass pots, &c. are given over and above the bar-
gain.

After this visit, people from the bride also go to see the bridegroom,
along with the girl's parents, and a feast is given them, after which
the cattle, and such other things as were agreed on are produced, and
the parents of the bride settle the day they are to bring her to her
husband.

On the day fixed, the bride is led to the bridegroom's house, in
procession, with a numerous retinue playing on flutes and drums,
and dancing ; on approaching the bridegroom's house, he meets her in
like fashion, and leads her towards his house. The bridegroom is
mounted on a man's shoulders, with a drawn sword in his hand.

When the whole party have come in front of the bridegroom's
house they halt, the bridegroom's mother, or aunt, or the nearest
female relations bring a low wooden stool '' Gandoo," on which they
wash the bride's feet, and her party then retire with her to where
they have taken up their quarters for the night. Provisions are then
sent to the whole party, and to the bride a cock, on account of her
being about to enter the house ; this is called " Dooartaioom seem ;" also
'' Chindee seem" or a fowl, for the bandage of her hair, which is to be
untied and dishevelled the first night; also four pye of dhan, and a
handia of Eely, called " Ajee hanar," which is for the bride's
sister ; also at midnight Eely, called ^' Talla needa eely" is sent to the
party, and dancing and singing is kept up till morning.

The next morning the bride presents to the bridegroom for every
head of cattle that has been given in price for her, a handia of eely,
a pye of dhan, and a pye of rice; this is called "Doob gandoo eely,
Baba, and Chowlee," being given because the bride is to be seated
on a mora of dhan, (a seat is called Doob gandoo) ; of all this, one
half is sent back by the bridegroom, also a goat called, " Jdm is sie
merom ;" also a rupee's worth of necklaces, " Jom issin hissir" ; also
one rupee of cloth for her mother, called " Enga bage lijjia".
after feasting and drinking, the bride's party rise, and with singing
and dancing bring her to the bridegroom's house and seat her on
a mora of dhan, where oil is poured on her head, and a leaf dish

1840.] The Hodesum f improperly called Kolehan) , 791

of boiled rice and meat, dressed in the bridegroom*s house, called
'' Jom issin," is brought her, which she touches with her hand, and
thereby declares herself of her husband's caste. She is then left in
charge of the bridegroom's female relations, and the ceremonies end
by all the parties dispersing home, and leaving the happy pair to
themselves.

Signs and Omens.

If a vulture, crow, Mindanao thrush, Indian magpie, oriole, wood-
pecker, partridge, jackal, fox, deer of kinds, hare, bee, sna?|e, espe-
cially the Covra, pass behind the Dootam, or messenger, he will die.

If a Cadis, " toorpoo cheedoo," cross in front of the Dootam .or
messenger (negociator), it portends the death of the bride in child-
birth.

Should an ichneumon fly, '' koonkal ho," drag a large spider
'' bindee ram," across the road, it portends the bride will be carried off
by a tiger the very first time she goes to fetch wood or water.

The same omen, if a hawk or kite of any kind stoop and carry off
a bird, fowl, or lizard, from any side.

A syrus " hoor, or vulture, deedee" crossing the road flying singly
in front, portends the death of the father or mother, according to
the sex of the bird — of the bride if near her village, of the bridegroom
if near his.

If the great wood-hawk, ^' booroo queed," hover over head, it fore-
tells the death of mother and son at childbirth.

If the deputation meet a toad, " roto poto chokey," it portends
that the bridegroom's father will be bewitched.

If a flying squirrel, '' oral," call out on the right or left hand,
before or behind, the marriage is stopped directly. The same if a
parakeet, " meerov," (large ringed kind) scream.

Should a branch fall from a tree without apparent cause, such as
being cut, or rotten, or worm-eaten, it portends the certain death of
the parents of both parties.

If the tumble dung-beetle, "eeooroo," be met with rolling dung
along, it threatens poverty and unrequited hard labour.

If two large lizards, " kaka," are met chasing each other to copulate,
it is a sign that the bride's sister, or sisters, will commit some faux

5 H

792 The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan) . [No. 104.

pas. If a pair of little lizards, " reta kaka," do the same, it foretels in-
trigue among the bride's female servants.

If birds copulate, it portends that the intended bride is in love, or
intriguing with some one else.

A jungul cat, *' bow," crossing the road, signifies the bride will be
a lazy good-for-nothing person.

In anointing the bride's head with oil, should a drop trickle down
her nose, it is a good sign ; should it go down her temple or cheek,
it shows she will be inconstant.

If a Mindanao thrush, " ooi/' Indian magpie, " hoorlee," or
oriole, " bocho," perch on a kuhar tree, *'doorlee daroo," in front or
on either side, it portends the bride and bridegroom and their chil-
dren will have ulcers. If they perch behind, the Dootam will have
them.

If one of these birds are seen flying up and turn back, it threatens
the bride's parents refusing to give her.

The voice or cry of the queen of the white ants, " boonoom enga,"
is a bad sign.*

If a number of " sarooses" or vultures, pass, it is a good sign.
If a magpie, woodpecker, vulture, Mindanao thrush, oriole, crow,
or other bird settle on the summit of a large assun tree, " hatna
daroo," it foretels riches.

If two dhamna snakes, " jamboo bing," cross, it also foretels wealth.
If the bee in wandering through the woods searching for honey settle
upon a man, it foretels wealth, and that he will be very hospitable.

The same, and longevity, if a number of crow pheasants, " sengel
topo," cross over.

A troop of hannooman monkeys, " sarra," crossing, promises great
herds of cattle. ;

If any bird sit on a keond tree, '' tirril daroo," it denotes the bride
will be a vixen.

Meeting women, young or old, carrying water in ghurras, is a good
sign.

If the spotted eagle, " doomoor kivid," settle on the right side, it
bodes imprisonment to the traveller.

* This may allude to the low stridulous sound emitted from ant hills, during the
sultry hours of noon, which ceases on near approach.

1840. J The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan). 793

Rites, Sfc. at Childbirth.

When the pangs of childbirth are coming on, the husband procures
some widow as midwife, to whom a fee of eight annas is given. Dur-
ing the wife's illness the husband alone cooks for her, and also for
the midwife, who is unclean, as well as the husband ; for eight days
all the children and servants are excluded from the house, and sent
with provisions to live for the time at some relation's ; very little
children are allowed to remain with the father.

Should the pangs be very violent, and the women's life in danger,
divination is had recourse to, to discover the afflicting divinity, to
whom a cock, goat, or sheep is sacrificed.

For eight days the husband cooks his own dinner, remaining apart
from all friends and relations ; during this time these latter prepare
Eely, which they brew on the fourth day, so that it may be upon the
eighth and place it in the husband's house. On the eighth morning
the father shaves the child's head, and gets his own shorne by a taunty,
or by his own servants. He then bathes and washes his clothes,
and the wife does the same. They then go and partake of the Eely
which has been set apart for them, and the relations finish the re-
mainder, taking it away to drink.

The unclean state of the husband and wife still continues till the
new moon, or the moon's first quarter, according to the time of the
child's birth, and the expiration of the eight days. Finally, there is a
grand feast at the house of the husband and wife, and they are held
clean from that date.

Naming the Child,

When the child can begin to stand or waddle about, the parents
think of naming him. For this purpose they procure a pan of water
in which they put four grains of Oorid, then take them out, and rub
them in the palms of their hands until they are well softened. The
father then cries out a name, saying he will adopt it if the grain of
Oorid floats in the water, but not if it sinks. Four names with the
four seeds are thus tried, and the name to which the seed floats is as-
sumed and given to the child.

Should all four seeds by any chance sink, the ceremony of naming
is abandoned for six months, or a year, when the same operations are
resumed.

794 The Hodeswn (improperly called Kolehan), No. 104.

It is common among the Koles for a friend of the family to wish
to stand namesake to the child, but when this occurs, the grain of
Oorid is still had recourse to, and if it sink at the godfather's name,
he is rejected.

The namesake, or " sakee", binds himself to help the child in sick-
ness, distress, or poverty ; by sending goats, fowls, &c. to sacrifice in
the former case, or by lending him rice, &c. to be repaid without in-
terest in the latter, and this sponsorship ends in unbroken friendship
between the two, throughout after life.

No kind of religion, or rites, or ceremonials are taught the children,

but they pick them up as they can, by observing their elders. If

a child die unnamed, it is not thought any particular misfortune on

that score.*

Funeral Rites.

When a person is dead, the people of the house set up a howling,
or " keening," which continues till the news has been given to all
the relations, and the pile prepared, which it is in the yard of the
house; first thick logs are placed, then smaller transverse faggots,
on this a wide plank, along the edges of which sticks are laid ;
when this is prepared, the corpse is brought out foot foremost, bed
and all, with all its ornaments on, male or female, by the women of
the village and of the house.

It is then placed, amid crying and howling, on the pile, the head
to the northward; rupees, to the amount that can be spared, are
put into the mouth, a lota on each side the body, a brass, or " p'hool,"
kutora on the head, and one at the feet. Another board is then put
on, and above it more wood, by the women, who amid redoubled la-
mentations, set fire to the pile.

When the whole is consumed it is sufi'ered to remain all night,
people going to and fro to watch it; next morning water is poured on
the ashes through peepul branches, and women pick out all the half-
consumed bones, which are dried, then sifted in a sieve, and then
put into a ghurra and covered with leaves, after which it is hung up
to the eaves at the back of the house. Eely is brewed on this day, and

* The youngest born male is heir to the father's property, on the plea of his being
less able to help himself on the death of the parents than his elder brethren, who
have had their father's assistance in settling themselves in the world, during his life-
time.

1840.] The Hodesmn (improperly called Kolehan). 7^^

when it rises on the fourth day all assembled to bathe, wash their
clothes, and shave, and then, anoint themselves with the blood of a pig,
after which they feast and drink up the Eely.

That same evening the ceremony is gone through of calling the
spirit of the departed. All the company, except four people, the
father, mother, and two women, or brother and sister and two women
or men, sit outside in the back yard ; some boiled rice and a pot of
water is then placed within the inner room of the house, and ashes
sprinkled from thence to the threshold ; the father and mother, or
brother and sister, as it may be, then go out; taking two ploughshares
in their hands — the other two people are left in the house to watch.
Those who have gone out proceed to the spot where the body was
burnt, and where (in some parts of the country) a clay horse and
rider, and an earthen pot on a tripod, with the mouth closed, are
placed; round this spot the two relations walk, beating together the
ploughshares, and calling out in a plaintive wild strain,

K'alleeng erankedmia K'alleeng enkakedmia Hoojoorooameu

" We never scolded you, never wronged you ; Come to us back ;

Booqite 'leengposakeamia assooladmia Essoodinmidte leeng tykena
" We ever loved and cherished you, and have lived long together

miadoare leen tykena na do alum bageea ! gama needa ko

" under the same roof; desert it not now ! The rainy nights,

Rabang rabang poio dinko dara nendre do alum honorbya

'* And the cold blowing days, are coming on ; do not wander here.

Atarkedjang japarre alum tingoona ' Hoojoo rooamen

" Do not stand by the burnt ashes ; come to us again ! You

Hesa soobare umdo ka ty dya gama hoojooredo

*' cannot find shelter under the peepul, when the rain comes

Rabang hoiore sarjum do Boogite ka doimiai
" Down. The saul will not shield you from the cold bitter wind.

Oate hoojoomen Umnangente oa do boogikidalle ! alleeng do

" Come to your home ! It is swept for you, and clean ; and we

Moonooite heating metanna, alleeng ddleeng minna, umnangente mandeeleeng
" are there who loved you ever ; and there is rice put for you;

doikia, dahleeng-doikia Hoojoomen o§,te hoojoomen Dooirimen alleeng tar!
'And water; come home, come home, come to us again!

796 The Hodesum fimproperly called KolehanJ, [No. 104.

They then return to the house door, and call for a light, and
commence searching for traces of the return of him they have been
invoking ; they look in silence along the ashes for the supposed mark
of the footstep of the spirit ; they examine the rice to see whether the
grains have been disturbed — the water, to detect any drops thrown
on the ground ; should any of these signs be discovered, it is announced
that the spirit is come back to the house, and they sit down apart,
shivering with horror, and crying bitterly, in which they are joined
by all without, who come and weep long and loudly, and then depart.

The ceremony of going out and calling is persevered in till some
signs, or fancied signs of the return of the departed to his home have
been discovered.

The relations assemble once more to settle the terms and time of
burying the bones. Rice is given to people to fetch a stone, as large
as the means of the family admit of, which is to be put over the grave.
Into the grave, which is two cubits broad and chest deep, and in the
public burial place of the village, rice is put, on this the pot of
bones, over this, rice, clothes, money, brass ornaments, and every thing
they can afford.

The whole is then covered, and the stone or rock placed over it ;
on this a goat is sacrificed, and the blood and heaps of salt sprinkled
all over the stone, also oil is spread over the gravestones of all the
dead relatives who are lying around, to awaken them to receive the
new comer.

They also tie a strip of cloth to a branch of the tree above the
gravestone, to show all passers by the quality of the cloth which
was buried with the bones.

Besides the gravestone, another, a cenotaph stone, is buried up-
right to commemorate the name of the deceased, at the edge of the
village, or side of the road, and the departed spirit is supposed to
love to come and sit beneath its shade, when going to and from his
house.

The Koles suppose the spirit to walk about in the day, and to keep
in the house all night, for which purpose they preserve a little space
clean for it, on which they place a small mechan, called ^' Tantara",
underneath which, in every Pooja or Purub, a small portion of the
sacrifice is placed.

1840.] The Hodesum (improperly called KolehanJ . ^97

Role History of the Creation of the World.

Their following idea of the creation of the world, and of castes,
&c. was communicated to me by some of the Mankees orally, and
copied almost verbatim. In the commencement, Ote' Boram and
Sirma Thakoor, alias Sing Bonga, or God, were self-created. Sing
Bonga is the sun. After them the moon was self-created.

Ote' Boram and Sirma Thakoor then made the earth ; after that
they clothed it with grass, trees, rocks, water; they then made cattle,
which were first born in " Bogo Bochee ;*" after them all wild animals.
They then made a little boy and a little girl, at the bottom of an
immense ravine, and as they had no houses to live in, the gods told
them to inhabit a huge crab's cave (Katkomoa.) They grew adult,
and Sing Bonga came to see them every day, and called them his
grandchildren ; but at length seeing no hopes of any progeny, from
their extreme simplicity, he taught them the art of making *' Eely,"
(rice beer) the use of which caused those sensations, which were in
due time the means of peopling the world.

After the creation of man. Sing Bonga, or the sun, married Chandoo
Omol, or the moon, from whence sprung four sons and numerous daugh-
ters. Now the four sons kept with their father, and the daughters lived
with their mother, and as the sun rose every day, with his four hot,
fiery sons in addition, the whole world began to burn; and all the
animals and man perishing with heat, entreated the moon to save
them ; so the moon resolved within herself to destroy the sun's sons,
and went, and accosting the father, said, ^'Our children do much
harm to the world, and will soon destroy your labour. I am deter-
mined to eat mine ; do you also devour yours." The sun promised he
would follow the moon's example ; and so when she hid all her daugh-
ters, and came and told him she had devoured them, he destroyed and
eat all four of his children ; after which the moon released her daugh-
ters from confinement. This artifice so enraged the sun, that he drew
his sword and cut the moon in half, but repenting afterwards of his
anger, allowed her to get whole in certain days, though she still
remained condemned to be in half at others, and so she remained, and
all her daughters with her, which are the stars.

* I could never leai'n what place this alhules to.

798 The Hodesum (improperly called KolehanJ, [No. 104.

Now, some time after the first man and woman had lived together
and known each other, Sing Bonga came down and asked them what
progeny they had ; they say unto him, " Grandfather, we have twelve
sons and twelve daughters ; these twenty-four lifted up their voices and
said, '' great grandfather, how can we brothers and sisters all live to-
gether ? — Sing Bonga said, " Go you and make preparations and make
a great feast, rice and buflfaloe's flesh, and bullock's flesh, goats, sheep,
pigs, and fowls of the air, and vegetables;" and they did so ; and when
the feast was prepared, Sing Bonga said, " Take ye two by two, man
and woman, that which shall please you most, and that shall ye have
for share, to eat all the days of your life, apart from the rest, so that
none shall touch his brother's share."

And so when the feast was prepared, the first pair and the second
pair took buffaloe's and bullock*s flesh, even as much as they could
carry, and these became the Kole (Ho) and Bhoomij (Mootkan)
race ; then a pair took the rice ; and other pairs, male and female,
rice and vegetables, and these became Bramins, Rajpoots, Chuttries
and other Hindoos ; and others took away the goat's flesh and fish,
and became other kinds of Hindoos ; the Bhooians took the shell fish,
lastly, when nothing was left but the pig's flesh, came two pair and
took it away, and these are Sontals and Koormees to this day ; and
when all the feast was cleared away, there remained one pair who had
nothing, and to them the Koles gave of their share, and these are
Ghassees to this hour.

And so all these went and lived separately, and peopled the world,
and multiplied exceedingly, and Sing Bonga taught those who lived
in far countries other languages, and he gave people of different trades
their implements.

And after this from the Koles, from their senior house, sprung
the English, who also eat of bulloL-k's flesh. But they are the senior
children, and the Koles the junior !

And after the world was peopled, Sirma Thakoor destroyed it once,
with the exception of sixteen people, because people became incestuous,
and unmindful of God, or their superiors. (Some say he destroyed it
with water, some say with fire.)

Wicked men are born again as dogs, pigs, or lizards. Those
who swing at churruck poojas, become, some kites, others flying

1840.] The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan) . 799

foxes. Suttees never are born again, but remain burning for ever in
their pits, and come out at night, wandering about, still burning (so
say the Ghassees.) Good people after death are born again in some
better condition in life than formerly. And this order of things will
remain for ever and ever. There will be no last day.

When men die, their spirits go to the Sing Bonga, who asks them
how they have lived, and judges them. The wicked he whips with
thorny bushes, and sometimes buries them in great heaps of human
ordure, and after a while sends them back to be born in this world as
dogs, cats, bullocks, lizards, &c. The good man he sends back to be
born a still greater and better man than he lived before, and all that
he had given away in charity, Sing Bonga shows him heaped up in
heaven, and restores it to him.

Gods and Spirits.

Besides Ote Boram and Sing Bonga, or Sirma Thakoor, there are*
Nage Era or Garra Nage, Desa Oolee, Marang Bonga — his wife is
Pangoora ; these are village gods.

Chanala Desum Bonga, also his wife Pangoora, belonging to married
women.

Horaten Ko, or road gods, who come along with a new wife ; also
Mahlee Bonga, and Chandoo Omol.

Nage Era, or Garra Nage, or Chandore, is worshipped in springs,
rivers, or wells; she is supposed to preside over cutaneous diseases, and
deafness; she is propitiated with eggs and huldee; if that do not
do, with a pig. She has no father or mother, but was self-created. She
is invoked to help in catching fish. Desa Oolee presides over diseases
of the head and stomach ; he is the guardian of the village, and
invoked to prevent infectious diseases coming into the country, also
to insure rain, good crops, no diseases in the cattle. His wife is Jaer
Booree. Desa Oolee is worshipped at the Mag Purub ; they sacrifice
goats, buffaloes, fowls, Jaer Booree is worshipped at Bah Purub, in
March and April, and in Batta Oolee, in Assar. The same things
are offered to her, except buffaloes ; and she presides over the same
things. Desa Oolee lives in a grove made for him ; Jaer Booree in

5 I

800 The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104,

another. They were from the first, as man and wife, but have no
known progeny.

Marang Bonga presides over sickness, and is worshipped according
to the extent of the sickness and means of the patient. He lives in a
grove (small one) where they erect a post, after sacrificing a buffalo,
and sticking its horns on the top.

To Pangoora they sacrifice, on account of sickness and fever, fowls,
goats, or sheep ; she lives under a tree, or two or three trees near an
ant hill ; no post is erected for her ; she is the wife of Marang Bonga.

Chanala Desum Bongo is worshipped for diseases by married peo-
ple alone, as he comes along with the bride from her village ; Pan-
goora, his wife, is the same.

Horaten Ko are the spirits of the forefathers of a newly-married
woman. They are worshipped on the road, and to them are sacrificed
fowls, goats, or an old bullock ; they are invoked for sickness.

Mahlee Bonga is invoked by cripples or blind people ; he lives any
, where indiscriminately. They offer him pigs and fowls. Chandoo
Omol is propitiated by a pig and a black fowl, for sickness : she lives
wherever she was first worshipped.

None of these spirits have an 3^ reputed figure or description, and con-
sequently are never represented by idols. The Hos frankly confess
that as their gods, to their knowledge, have never been seen, they
cannot be described ; they also know nothing of the origin of them.
They have, moreover, no notion of a devil or any evil spirit, their
opinion being that he only who created, is able to destroy or torment
either here or hereafter.

They have but four Purubs in the year, and these are not fixed
to any particular date, some villages being two or three months per-
forming their poojas, before or after others. Mag Purub takes place
about February and March, sometimes in January; Bah Purub fol-
lows a month after ; Batta Oolee is in Assar ; and there is also sacri-
ficing and pooja gone through before eating the newly cut crops of
the year, called the " Namagom."

These festivals consist in little more than singing, dancing, and
immoderate drinking, besides offering up a goat or two, or a few fowls
in each village. The people seldom adorn themselves, or make them-
selves cleaner than at other times, and the villages do not unite in

1840.] The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan). 801

these merry makings, but go through their ceremonies at separate times,
and at their own sacred groves.* At Mag the men and women occasion-
ally put on grotesque finery, and their songs and dances are wild and
pretty. The figures and airs are nearly all alike ; the women form
a circle, are staid and demure, and sing in a low humming strain,
while the men and drummers in the centre, in all stages of intoxi-
cation, twist themselves into all manner of contortions, and indulge
in violent and ludicrous gestures. During one ceremony, at the Mag
Purub, the Koles abandon their usual decent behaviour to women, and
both sexes go tramping through and about their villages, chanting
the most odiously filthy recitative* in which the youngest who can lisp
are allowed to join.

But if their public Purubs are few, they make up amply by the
number of private sacrifices which they carry on in their own houses.
On account of sickness in any member of the family, or among
their servants, the most trifling indisposition, as well as the gravest
malady, has but this one remedy among them. They never attempt
resorting to medicine, an^ no frequency of deaths, no extent of the
ravages of any contagious disease, can shake their faith in the
one resource of offering sacrifices to the god who is supposed to be
chastising them with the visitation. In endeavouring to dissuade
them from this dangerous folly, in which the father of a family,
with unshaken bigotry, sees his household swept away into the grave,
and the whole of his live stock destroyed in vain efforts to check the
ravages of sickness, by sacrificing to the gods, we have as yet
signally failed ; although they were, by dint of constant entreaty and
admonition, induced to come to the Hospital at Chyebassa, and
although many cures were performed upon them, it has proved of no
eventual benefit ; the Koles now never make their appearance to seek
for medical aid, and the slight temporary reform that was effected
among them, has altogether ceased.

The most gross superstitions still prevail among this people with
regard to witchcraft ; but the dreadful effects of this belief, to which
numbers of unfortunate persons have fallen a sacrifice, have now,
through fear ^i our laws, almost wholly ceased. The Koles believe

* These sacred groves, or plantations of saul trees, are attached to every village ;
they call them "Saer".

802 The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104.

that by certain prayers and incantations, a person can obtain sufficient
power to produce the illness, or cause the death, not only of any
obnoxious person, but of whole families, or even villages ; and that
these evil arts can also extend to the crops, the cattle, and the wea-
ther !

Should any such misfortunes befall them, it is of course immediately

referred to the machinations of some sorcerer, and every means is

had recourse to, to discover him. This is effected either by certain

signs, or by the divination of some augurer, or most frequently (in

case of sickness) by the declaration of the patient himself, who declares

he has seen the wizard in a dream,%tanding on him, and sacrificing to

the gods, to procure his dissolution. Such is the inflexible integrity of

the Koles in speaking truth, that I firmly believe the sick man, in all

such cases, does dream of the person he denounces. Being taught

from his infancy to attribute every misfortune to preternatural

agency, it is not to be wondered at, that when in his turn afflicted,

his apprehensions rest upon some one, with regard to whom a previous

quarrel, or other cause of ill-will, suggests the fear of retaliation,

and these thoughts, long nourished while waking, would naturally

embody themselves in sleep in some dreadful dream, which at once

substantiates all the suspicions of the sufferer !

Should these proofs however be wanting, the near relations of the
patient have recourse, as I said, to a diviner. This class of wretches,
sources of all evil, are not, happily, so prevalent among the Koles as
the Hindoos who reside in the vicinity. To these the poor credulous
creatures resort, journeying to great distances, and parting with
almost all their possessions to obtain the aid of the sage, who, after
collecting such information as he requires, pockets his fee, goes
through some absurd ceremonies, and coolly denounces the person he
may consider best suited for the distinction, as the originater of all
the calamity.

The life of the unfortunate victim so pointed out was, of course for-
merly, not worth an hour's purchase; he was either slain openly by
the party, whose kinsman was dead or dying, murdered in cold blood
at night, or in some cases, demanded from his clans people, to undergo
the ordeal. The latter have seldom been known to refuse such a re-
quisition. The ordeal, however, was, as it has been in other countries,

1840.] The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan), 803

merely a means of glossing over the proceedings. The person de-
nounced had either to dip his hand into boiling ghee, or water, or stand
upon a red hot Koolharee (shovel) when, if scalded or burnt, he was de-
clared guilty, or he was tied up in a sack and thrown into the water,
with the option of floating on the top, if he could.

The particulars of the ceremonies of divination and ordeal I cannot
describe, having no longer the means of gaining information from the
natives. Hitherto I have been writing from their dictation. The ac-
count of the creation, and of their marriages, and other rites, and their
mythology, have been translated almost verbatim from their lips. Hav-
ing now left them and their courftry, I conclude the theme from me-
mory.

The Hos, although totally distinct from Hindoos yet, being a sim-
ple race have suffered that crafty people to lure them in many ways
into following their ceremonies, rites, festivals, and prejudices. Those
near the boundaries have become as subservient to Brahmins as any
Hindoos would be ; but on this subject 1 shall speak hereafter. The
" curse of caste" is strongly felt by them, and its follies strangely mix-
ed up with the distinctions of relationship. They divide themselves
into clans, called " Keelies," of which there are a great number. Who
the founders were, or whence they take their names, I never could as-
certain. A man cannot marry into his keely, as it is looked upon as a
kind of brotherhood ; neither can he eat with one of another keely.
They have separated themselves entirely from the race from which they
sprung, viz. the Mondas of Eastern Chootia Nagpoor, although Keelies
of similar names are found in both. When the separation took place, it
is impossible to say, but it has become marked not only in manners,
dialect, and dress, but in appearance. The Mondas form part of the good
tempered, but ugly figured Dhangurs seen in Calcutta. The Hos are, on
the contrary, eminently handsome, with figures like the Apollo Belvi-
dere. These last shave the hair off the forehead, and wear it tied be-
hind. The Mondas wear their locks dishevelled, or clubbed at the
top of the head, transfixed with a long pin or comb, and are at once
distinguished.

The Hos are particular in their diet. They eat beef (all but the bor-
der and half Hindooised ones), mutton, goat's flesh, fowls, hares, deer,
and fish. The poorest classes eat pig, but unlike the Dhangurs, San-

B04 The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104.

tals, Bhoomijes, and other tribes inhabiting the jungles, they never
touch the flesh of bears, monkeys, snakes, and other wild animals. The
Hos, with some few exceptions, will drink spirits (of which they are ex-
travagantly fond) from wine glasses used by us ; but they will not drink
water contained in any earthen vessel, which may have been touched
by other classes. Many of them believe the essence or soul of a man to
lie in his shadow, and consequently will relinquish boiling rice or
other food, while preparing, if the shade of a different caste person fall
upon it.

Their standard dish (as it is both meat and drink to them) is ^' Eely,"
or rice beer. It consists of rice and water boiled and mashed together,
and then left to ferment for three days, with a piece of " Rannoo"
(a bitter root) to aid the process ; of this all classes, ages, and sexes,
partake, many of them intemperately. In their hunting parties it
often forms their sole sustenance for two or three days. The drink is
not badly flavoured, and use would make it, I should think, just as
palatable as our common small beer ; it causes moderate inebriation?
and all classes appear after their meals slightly *' jollified" by it.
They seldom drink to a disgusting excess, and quarrels from intoxica-
tion are not of common occurrence. The Soondees, a spirit manufac-
turing class of Hindoos, are numerous throughout Singbhoom, and
make a strong distillation of the Mowhooa berry, called by the Hos
" arkee ;" of this the latter, left to themselves, do not much partake,
preferring their own beer.

As yet, commerce has been scarcely at all introduced into the Kole-
han ; the people, among whom poverty is unknown, remain contented
with the spoils of the chase, and the limited produce of their fields,
which are only cultivated in sufficiency to meet present want. They
are bad husbandmen, and no agricultural works on a large scale, such
as tanks and bunds to meet the exigencies of a dry season, are met
with in the country. The " levelling system" obtains so much among
them, that there is no farmer or landholder in the country with
capital sufficient to go through with such a work. The former lords
of the soil, the " Surawuks" (Hindoos), excavated many fine tanks,
the traces of which still remain; they have all however been destroyed
by the Hos, who let out the water for the sake of sowing the rich mud
at the bottom ; or have allowed them, through superstitious motives,

1840.] The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan). 805

to fill up from neglect. Being an undulating country, their rice
cultivation is restricted to nullahs and water-courses, over which they
form fields, by choking up the stream with soil brought from the
'' Tarn," or upland, a process of infinite toil. An inferior kind of rice,
'' Gora dhan," is sown in the uplands, and the jungle tribes cultivate
the hills up to their summits with cotton, moong, oorid, chunna, til,
surgoojia, tobacco, &c. ; such common esculents as the jingee, khukra,
cucumber, pumpkin, maize, and baugun, are grown in their villages ;
also vast quantities of the castor oil tree, of the kut'hul, or * jack*, and
mangoe trees, which the Surawuks planted in numbers, but few
now remain. The Hos prize much more the tamarind, which is met
with in every village, and grows in great luxuriance.

Vast quantities of the Tusser worm are reared in the " Assun" jun-
gles throughout the country, the proprietors of which preserve them
with great jealousy and care. The cocoons are sold to bead merchants,
who come annually to barter them in return for necklaces. The silk is
manufactured at Serykela, Bankoorah, and Medneepoor, that from the
former being most prized. In tending the young worms, much the
same ceremonies are gone through as by the people in the Sunderbunds ;
fasting, continence, and cleanliness, being considered indispensable.
The Hos travel all the way to Poory for the sake of purchasing salt ;
they are allowed to bring it laden on bullocks through Kewnjur, by
paying toll ; but in passing through Baumenghattee, a nearer and bet-
ter road, salt on bullocks is seized and confiscated by the Mohenbunj
Raja. Bangy loads are however suffered to pass on payment of some
douceur. There is no Government gola nearer than Medneepoor or
Bankoorah.

Vast numbers of cattle are bred in the country ; the Hos do not
tend them themselves, but deliver them over to Gwallas, with whom
they keep little account, until the cattle are required as payment
on marriage occasions. The latter accordingly make a good thing
of their charge, selling the milk and ghee, and often the cattle
themselves. Great quantities of the latter, and also of bufllaloes, are
sold to Tamarias for the most trifling prices, besides numbers stolen
or swindled away by their customers, who are notorious cheats
and robbers. In former times, when the Hos used to make '' Raids"
over the borders, and harry the cattle of their neighbours, these little

806 The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104.

filchings were not so much minded, but now that their excursions have
been put a stop to, the owners get more careful, and keep a better
look out on the Gwallas. The sheep also, which are numerous in
some parts, have been pronounced by judges to be equal to the Patna
mutton for the table ; but these and goats, as well as poultry, the
Hos part with with difficulty, as they require them for their
sacrifices, &c. A peculiarity in the country, is the immense flocks
of pigeons, which breed in every village, and aflford the poorest a
delicacy at all seasons. With money the Hos are getting pretty well
acquainted, but still hold copper coin in great disdain, seldom taking
the trouble to count a large quantity, but reckoning it by handfuls,
to the unfeigned astonishment of our Hindoo servants, who would
squabble for the tenth part of a cowree.

In summing up this account of the Hos race by a description of
their general character, their virtues and vices, I may perhaps fall
into the error of a little partiality in their favour; three years constant
intercourse with them, in which their love of truth, their honesty,
their obliging willingness, and their happy ingenuous disposition, form-
ed so striking a contrast to the mass of the people in Hindustan,
may perhaps have induced me to pass lightly over faults to which
they are but too liable ; but this error (a pleasing one) is I imagine
shared with me, by all the European residents who were at
Chyebassa. Whether the duplicity and bad propensities of Hindoos
in general, be owing to their intercourse with us, or whether it
be inherent among them, is a point at present mooted, and not be de-
cided by myself But among this simple race, the reputed evils
of civilization have not yet commenced to be felt; and fervently is
it to be trusted, though, alas, the hope may be Utopian, that the
introduction of our Courts of Justice, in checking the lawless tendency
of the Koles, may not destroy those virtues which are inherent to
a primitive state of society. The unhappy feuds which, handed
down through generations, formerly existed among them, were owing
rather to mistaken notions of honour, than to more malignant feelings ;
and the best proof of this, is the ease with which through a little timely
advice, quarrels a I'outrance of the oldest standing have been made
up, and whole clans readily reconciled to each other. After the first
rough settlements of this country had been made, this became the

1840.] The Hodesum [improperly called Kolehan). 80/

especial care of that truly wise and benevolent man, Major Wilkinson,
the late Political Agent of the South- West Frontier,* and fortunate was
it, that his excellent arrangements were so well seconded by the
inherent good feelings of the people, for whose welfare they were
directed. The depredations committed by the Hos formerly on
their neighbours, for the sake of driving off their cattle, were chiefly, if
not entirely, at the instigation of the Hindoo Zemindars around,
who employed them to wreak their own malice on their neighbours,
and indeed the Hos served them, in a manner, as mercenary hordes.
Their forays were never marked by cruelty or unnecessary violence,
nor except when they were openly resisted, was ever life taken.
A fearful number of people (among themselves) have fallen sacrifices to
the horrid superstitions respecting witchcraft ; but such crimes,
common to the barbarous ages of all nations, and but too prevalent
formerly in our own, must be, by the impartial observer, attributed
more to the depravity of the judgment than the heart. The
superstition still continues, but the horrors resulting from it have
almost entirely ceased. But cold blooded murder for the sake of gain,
robbery, even pilfering, lying, deceit, dishonesty, even of the most
venial kind, are almost unknown, and looked upon with disgust.
The truth and integrity of a Kole are well known, and the fidelity
of their wives, and modesty of the females in general, proverbial.

They are on the whole a light-hearted and good-natured race,
irascible, though quickly appeased. But so strong is their sense
of injury, that a harsh word suddenly spoken, will produce the most
serious results ; for this reason they seldom quarrel, and terms
(epithets) of abuse are unknown in the language ; among females the
mere hearing of a few words of reproach will induce them to commit
suicide, and this crime among both sexes is so frightfully prevalent, as

!|to afford no parallel in any known country. The mere banter-
ing a lad on his predilection for any girl, has led to self-destruction ;
jokes of an injurious nature they do not understand, and indeed
seldom or ever indulge in them, although in the most harmless way.
Beggars are scarcely known in the country, but the Hos are charitable

, {to those deserving aid, and hospitable to strangers to the same de-

* Now Resident at the Court of the Raja of Nagpore (Berar.)

5 K

808 The Hodesum (improperly called Kolehan,) [No. 104.

gree as Arabs of the desert, for it is thought a sign of enmity to
stop even at the door- way without a * stirrup cup' of Eely. Among
their chief faults may be reckoned indolence, and dirt. The poorer
people are often very filthy, and unless in the warm season, seldom
touch water. The lowest classes will not object to devouring bullocks
that have died, from disease, out in the fields, even though far ad-
vanced in decomposition, and will devour stale eggs, half-putrid fish,
&c. &c. But these filthy customs are confined to the very lowest and
poorest of the people.

Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, and the adjacent Districts. By Captain
7 ISB.EK, formerly Superintendent of Kachar and Jynta.

The provinces of Bengal east of the Brahmaputra, though among the
earliest acquisitions of the British in India, attracted but little attention
for a long time, in consequence of their general tranquillity and secluded
position. The vast mountain regions by which they were encompassed
on their external frontiers, seemed to secure them against the chance
of serious foreign invasion, while the incursions of the wild hill tribe*
had but slight effects on their internal condition, and were easily
curbed by a few local troops retained chiefly for that purpose. If
Sylhet excited but little interest, still less was naturally thought of
the petty independent states connected with it ; and it was only after
the Burmans had conquered Assam and Manipur, that a wish seems to
have arisen for a more accurate knowledge of their condition ; though
this was still greatly restrained by fear of giving umbrage to their chiefs.
The events arising out of the Burmese war have materially altered
the relations of all these countries, on which, however, it is not my
purpose here to enlarge, but simply to bring to notice such facts
respecting their geography, internal condition, resources, and traditional
histor}', as in the course of a long residence, and the prosecution of
various inquiries, I have been able to collect ; restricting myself however
to the correction of current errors, and the notice of such particulars
as have not hitherto obtained general publicity.

Geography. — The survey of Sylhet, though unfinished, has yet been
prosecuted far enough to shew, that the area of the district is more

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, §• adjacent Districts. 809

considerable than had been supposed. As the external boundaries
towards the Tippera hills, Kachar, and the Kasia mountains have been
traced, and the outline is only incomplete on the western side, on which
it is not likely any material difference from the old delineation would
be discovered, it is likely that the contents (4500 square miles,) now
assigned for it, is pretty near the truth. The quarter in which the
most considerable error has been found in the old map is the southern,
which Rennell does not seem to have visited ; and here many of his
positions have been found from ten to forty miles too much to the
north. The topography too of this part has been amended, the chains
of hills, or rather ridges, having been ascertained to consist of several
parallel ranges, separated by wide and fertile vallies, and ranging north
and south, instead of east and west, as before supposed. Some of these
ridges also are found to be partly in Sylhet, and partly in Tippera,
Slid in two or three instances they penetrate deeply into the former
district.

On the side of Kachar, the boundary of Sylhet has been traced south-
ward to Chatrchura, a conical peak on the Banka range of hills, the
country about which is frequented by the Pytu Kukis, a wild wandering
tribe, who migrate from this their north-west limit, eastward to Tung-
hum, and southward to an unknown extent, their cognate tribes being
found in the neighbourhood of Chittagong.

In Lower Kachar a complete survey of the cultivated tracts has been
effected, the principal rivers traced, and in particular the course of the
Delaseri from the southward, followed through a part which heretofore
presented only a blank in the map. This tracing, was, however,
executed by one of my native surveyors, after circumstances had put
it out of my power to conduct it myself.

Captain Pemberton's surveys in Manipur fix the eastern boundary
of Kachar, but points of junction between our surveys occur at Aquee,
in the Naga Hills, and on the Bohman range.

In Upper Kachar a line has been traced along the Jatingah river
to its source, and thence to a point on the Di-yung, at which it be-
comes navigable for small boats, beyond which I had no opportunity of
proceeding northward, but the remainder of the route into Assam was
explored by Captain Jenkins, whose valuable Report illustrates the
whole of this country. The survey, however, in this quarter was

810 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts, [No. 104.

carried far enough to fix the courses of the great streams and ridges,
and to establish a relation with the route pursued by Captain Pem-
berton from Manipur into Assam, the great ridge crossed by him being
in this survey traced westward to its termination in a number of
ramifications on the Modura river. The fact of most interest ascer-
tained by this part of the survey, is the facility with which a road
could be formed from the navigable limit of the Jotingah to that of
the Di-yung, by which the intercourse with Upper Assam would be
greatly extended, and its communication with Calcutta shortened. So
gentle is the ascent, and so few are the obstacles, that there seems
no reason to doubt, a road for carts might be made with very little
trouble.

Returning westward, the survey fixes the boundaries of Jynta, and
much of the mountain tract immediately north of Sylhet and Pondua,
including the country between Chirra Ponji and Nunklao. It i\^
traces the outline of Sylhet at the foot of the Kasia Hills, and is
prolonged to Sowara, on the banks of the Brahmaputra, from which it
follows the old channel of this river to Naraingunj and Dacca. The
object of this last portion of the work was to connect the survey and
a series of astronomical observations made for longitude at the town
of Sylhet, with a position which had been well fixed by Mr. Walter
Ewer of the Civil Service, and to which the Assam Survey had also
been referred. For many of these observations, which were made on
the transit of the moon and stars, I was so fortunate as to obtain cor-
responding passages at Greenwich. Dacca was included also as a well
fixed point, but chiefly because the water communication between
it and Sylhet, was found to be very erroneously delineated in the old
maps, in consequence apparently of changes in the course of the rivers
below Azmerigunj. Correct outlines were made of these, though they
do not appear in the new printed map, for which it is to be supposed
they were too late.

The minute operations carried on in the prosecution of the Revenue
Survey have afforded an opportunity for acquiring a more intimate
knowledge of the topography, resources, and husbandry of the interi-
or, and these complete the list of the several inquiries pursued.

Aspect and Geology. — The physical aspect of this vast tract, presents
great variety, and cannot of course be described under one term.

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts. 811

Even in the plains there is less of uniformity than would be supposed
on a casual inspection, and the experienced agriculturist well knows
that the lands in the eastern part of Sylhet, and in Lower Kachar,
are far more valuable than those to the westward, even up to the banks
of the Megna. This is explained by the greater elevation of those parts,
and by the number of hill streams passing through them, the banks of
which are always higher than the adjacent country. The vegetation, as
well as the husbandry of these tracts, is greatly influenced by this par-
ticular, of which I shall take more notice hereafter.

The hill regions may be conveniently separated into two divisions,
distinguished by great difference of elevation, the point of separation
being fixed on the Soormah at Luckipuf in Lower Kachar, to the
south-west of which, whatever elevations present themselves, are under
two thousand feet, while those in the north-west still maintain a much
greater altitude, and even tower occasionally above six thousand feet.
But the division is more appropriate on account of a decisive differ-
ence in structure, the northern mountains forming clearly one system,
while those of the south belong to another, having reference to high
ground in the central parts of Tippera, the existence of which cannot
be doubted, though it has never been unequivocally proved. In sup-
port of this opinion, I must first point out that the numerous streams
flowing from the southward into the Soorma and Kusiara rivers, and
of which the very existence was scarcely known before this Survey was
made, are many of them of a force and volume indicating a long
course, and shewing them to be the drains of high land, from which
alone they would draw the water which they discharge, for the
Delaseri, the Sungai, the Munu, the Khwa-hi, and the Cognati streams
appear to furnish during the rains on an average a discharge of about
25,000 cubic feet per second ; a quantity quite inconsistent with any
supposition, but that of long courses and elevated origins, as none of
these rivers are more than fifty yards in width.

If a reference be now made to some of the older maps on which the
other rivers of Tippera are traced, it will be found that the Gumti,
which emerges at Commilla, has an east and west course, and that the
Chingri and Kurumphuli, which debouche at Chittagong, run nearly
southward, while the Kola-dyng, as delineated on more recent maps,
has a south-west course, and the river of the Kungfui Nagas falling

812 Memoir of Sylhety^achar, t^ adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

into the Manipur river, flows to the south-east. I may add, that the
Tipai river which falls into the Barak near Soor, has like the Sonai and
Delaseri a northern course. Thus these considerable streams radiate
from land in the unexplored regions of Tippera, somewhere between
the 23rd and 24th parallels of north latitude, and 91° and 94"' of E.
longitude, which is unfortunately still a blank in our maps.

I have enlarged on this subject, because I conceive it is one which
when attentively considered, will be found of great interest, involving
the condition of a tract of country, our ignorance of which, in some
conjunctures we might have occasion to deplore.

-Both the hills and vallies of Tippera are thickly wooded, and the latter
often contain extensive grass jungles, the resort of wild elephants. The
most eastern portion of the northern range of mountains is occupied
by Upper Kachar, a wild and thickly wooded tract, the mountains of
which sometimes attain an elevation of five thousand feet, but offer
considerable diversity in that respect, as they here break into branches
of the great ridge running between Manipur and Assam. The river
Kupili, flowing into the Brahmaputra, marks the limit of this tract, and
the termination of that vast system of hills which stretches westward
from the unexplored country to the north- east of Manipur.

The Kasia mountains rise immediately from the valley of the Kupili,
and range westward to Laour, near which they are bounded by the
Patli river, the hills west of that belonging to the Garrows, and being
distinguished by an aspect and structure of their own.

Much has been written on the Kasia mountains during the last ten
years that they have been visited by Europeans, but I am not aware
that any attempt has been made to account for their peculiarities, nor
would I now undertake the task, but that I fear it will be left undone
by those who could perform it so much better. The physical aspect
of these hills excites the strong attention of the observer, as being so
greatly at variance with that of the whole country in their neighbour-
hood. The barrenness of the table land, more especially in its southern
portion, where not only does nature yield but little, but where art is
found unable to assist her, is perhaps unprecedented in such a climate.
This sterility will, I think, be found to be closely connected with the
character of the rocks, and the disturbance of the strata, but more
especially with the latter, for where these are horizontal, there is an

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts, 813

absence of vegetation, and wherever the strata are inclined to the
horizon, symptoms of fertility begin to shew themselves.

The absence of any well marked appearance of the unstratified rocks
is remarkable in the Kasia hills, for I am aware only of one instance in
which they are said to shew serpentine ; having, it is said, been seen near
Nungklao, a locality which however I had no opportunity of examining.
It is true, granite is found, but except at the Okillon hill, always in boul-
ders on the surface, nor has it ever been seen in peaks or amorphous
masses, to the protrusion of which, the dip of the secondary strata
is usually referred. Except in the single instance of the limestone
which occurs near Musmai, I think it may be said that there is no
appearance of a disturbance in the sandstone bed by which the country
between that place and the Bogapani is filled, and of which the thick-
ness is unknown ; now this part (and others similar to it) is remarkably
sterile ; but wherever the level of the strata has been disturbed, whe-
ther by internal igneous action, or by any force of a more limited
range, a disintegration of the rocks, and consequent accumulation of
soil at the foot of the slope formed, has taken place> and vegetation to
a greater or less extent ensued. Thus the slopes formed at the out-
crop of the sandstone with the limestone near Musmai are all well
covered with wood, which disappears as the slope subsides into the
ordinary level of the table land. And in general throughout the
ascent from the plains to Chirra, after the limits of the lower bed of
limestone have been passed, it may be observed that vegetation is
dense only on the slopes, and that wherever ledges or steps occur,
they are comparatively barren.

The total rise between the foot of the mountains and Chirra, seems
to be about one in ten feet, but subject to great irregularity, while
between Chirra and the south bank of the Bogapani, it amounts only to
one in forty, with comparatively little variation.

All the vallies on this side terminate in precipitous heads, exhibiting
the horizontal position of the sandstone.

To the northward of the Bogapani, the aspect of the country changes,
and though the altitude is greater, the vegetation is also more consider-
able, and continually increases until between Myrung and Nungklao
it becomes abundant, though it does not yet exhibit that excess which
prevails further to the north and west. A feature will be here found to

814 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^^ adjacent Districts, [No. 104.

force itself on the attention, to which unquestionably the increase of
vegetation in this part is to be traced ; I allude to the numerous and
large granite boulders which are scattered in such abundance over the
country as to be occasionally mistaken for the crust or surface. The
granite has however never, as I before observed, been seen in any form
but that of boulders, nor is there any well established instance of
these having been seen otherwise than on, or partially imbedded
in the surface. I should remark, that the mass of granite, well
known as the Okillon. near Nungun and west of the Nungklao road,
may be considered of a dubious form, for though the dimensions are
enormous, the shape of the exposed part is that of a boulder. The dis-
integration of these boulders has of course largely contributed to
the formation of soil, especially when favoured by the configuration of
the ground, but wherever the boulders are missing, and the strata
preserve their horizontal position, vegetation remains likewise defi-
cient.

As I am more anxious to record facts than to broach theories, I will
not indulge in speculations on the variation of the structure of these hills
from those around them, but content myself with observing, that there
is nothing in what I have pointed out at all inconsistent with the more
recent opinions as to the order, classification, and superposition of
the different rocks ; for though none of the unstratified rocks have been
seen in the positions which they might be expected to occupy in the
centre of the mountains, there is still no reason why they may not occu-
py a place under the sandstone, and have thus effected its up-lifting
without themselves protruding to the surface. Further inquiries may
throw light upon this subject, which is worthy of very great attention,
for if there be sufficient ground for the opinion here thrown out, the
geology of this country will furnish a strong proof of the igneous origin of
the unstratified rocks, and their more recent appearance above the surface.

I have already remarked, that a bed of limestone extends along the
foot of the hills near Pundua, having its out-crop about five hundred
feet above the plains, where it abuts on the sandstone. The direction
of this bed is nearly east and west, and though frequently broken
through by rivers, it is continued westward (declining however in
elevation as it proceeds) to Bunsikura, where it is found in contact
with the plain, from which in other parts it is always separated by clay

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, §• adjacent Districts, 815

and sand hills of alluvial formation. The coal found at Laour rests on
this limestone, which abounds in fossil shells, among which the principal
are Terebratula and Producta. The cavern of Booban is situated in this
limestone, but no measures have been employed to ascertain if it con-
tains any fossil remains.

The few facts which I am able to add on the geology of the whole
country under review, may not improperly find their place here, as they
can be of value only when taken collectively to illustrate the general
formation.

In Upper Kachar the dense woods have materially impeded obser-
vation, and I can only say, that the table land is there absent, as well as
the granite boulders, and that the formation is of primary sandstone,
upon which an alluvial formation is posited. No fossil remains have
been procured from this quarter.

The Tippera hills, in the more elevated parts of which we have any
knowledge, exhibit primary sandstones underlying an alluvial formation,
in which fossil remains are found in sufficient quantity, but no great
variety. Those within my own observation have been Madrepires and
fossil wood. The alluvial formation over the eastern part of Sylhet
and Lower Kachar is of the same nature with that of Tippera, being
similar in structure and material. The common feature is a kind of
breccia, which is found in masses varying from a mere pebble to enor-
mous blocks of many thousand tons weight, and these are imbedded
in the clay or sand hills near the surface (never stratified), often m
connexion with a thin stratum of a substance exhibiting a highly
metallic appearance, and which seems to be oxide of iron. It is impos-
sible to examine these black blocks, which on fracture display numer-
ous concavities, without entertaining the suspicion of their volcanic
origin ; but any doubts on this head must cease on looking at the masses
of lava by which they are often accompanied, for that the shapeless
lumps to which I allude have been in a state of fusion, admits of no
question, being proved by their vitrious lustre, close and brittle texture,
and by the presence of blisters formed by the air during the process of
cooling. I abstain from noticing the localities of the coal beds, salt
wells, and Petroleum spring, as they have been heretofore described.

It must be acknowledged that our geological knowledge of this quar-
ter is still lamentably defective, and that the materials for drawing a

5 L

816 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

section of the rocks in their exact order from Thibet, across Assam,
Sylhet, and Tippera, are still to be collected. •

The points of interest remaining for examination within this division
are : —

1 St. The course of the Kupeli river from its source to its confluence
with the Di-yung, in the valley between Upper Kachar and Jynte. It
is likely to pass through a country the geology of which must deserve
attention, as the structure of the opposite sides of the valley must be
essentially different, the one upholding a table land, the other running
up into peaks and ridges, while the possibility that the river may offer
a navigable communication with some point easy of access from the
side of Sylhet, is an additional reason for examining it.

2nd. The course of the Patli river near Laour. This river divides
the Kasia hills from the Garrows, and its valley must exhibit similar
diversity in the structure of its opposite sides with that of the Kupeli.

3rd. I have already pointed out the interest that attaches to the
country in the middle parts of Tippera, and I may here add, that the
geology of this quarter must be valuable, as it is likely to be connected
with the system of mountains which separates Arracan from Pegu, and
to contain the extinct craters from which the volcanic remains above
noticed have issued.

To conclude this account of the very diversified aspect of the country,
the vast semi-basin enclosed on the northern, eastern, and much of
the southern side by the mountains above described, may be conveni-
ently divided into two tracts, distinguished from each other by differ-
ence of level, and by dissimilarity of vegetable and agricultural produce,
as well as by their capacity for commodious habitations and occupa-
tions. A line drawn SE. from Chattak passing west of Taj pur,
through Nubigunj, and thence under the hills southward to Turruf, will
serve very nearly to separate these tracts.

That to the westward, extending nearly to the Brahmaputra, is in
most parts always marshy, and the whole is subject to periodical
inundations of long duration, being in general under water from April
to the middle of November. The towns and villages, which in some
parts, more especially to the southward, are numerous, are built on
mounds raised with earth dug during the dry season ; the houses are
in clusters, huts for men, temples, mosques, and sheds for cattle, being

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, KachaVy ^ adjacent Districts, 817

huddled together in a manner that gives to them the appearance rather
of the temporary abode of fugitives, than the settled residence of a
people. This tract is called Bhatta, apparently from its lowness, and
seems to have been conquered by the Mussulmans before the rest of
Sylhet.

The eastern division is on a higher level, and rises gradually towards
the mountains on either side ; notwithstanding this, the marshes which
occasionally occur, might lead to a different belief; but these are very
limited in extent, and occupy distinct hollows, and the fact of general
rise is proved by the course of the rivers, which without it could never
exhibit those strong currents for which they are remarkable.

The irregularities of the surface are referable to three distinct causes :
1st. Several ranges of the alluvial formation crossing it run up into
ridges, from one to three hundred feet in height.

2nd. The vallies formed by these ranges rise from the centre towards
either side, where the land being above the level of ordinary inundations,
is peculiarly adapted for agricultural purposes, and is called Do-fusilya,
or that of two harvests.

3d. The banks of the Surma and all the hill streams are occupied
by land cultivable for two yearly crops, which however here owes its
origin to a different cause, having been thrown up by the rivers in
working their channels through the plain.

I have here much satisfaction in bringing to notice one of those rare
instances in which the interests of a portion, however small, of the
Indian community have been manifestly benefited by the adoption
of conclusions emanating solely from European foresight and observa-
tion. A causeway constructed by the Mogul Government along the
left bank of the Surma, and intended to restrain its inundations, was
kept up at a considerable expence by the British Government, until the
mischievous consequences which have followed the maintenance of
similar erections on the Po and Adige, in Italy, having been brought to
notice, it was, about twenty years ago, abandoned, and the river allowed
to take its natural course. Contrary to the expectations of many, no harm
followed ; the river occasionally rose for a short time above its banks,
but the inundation ran off rapidly, and it seldom happened that any
injury was done. It was soon, however, observed, that wherever the
river overflowed its banks, a sediment was left, which both raised and

818 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

improved the land, and in consequence people far from dreading
the inundation, soon learnt to turn it to account ; and having banked
such lands as were fit for the purpose, led the river to them by narrow
canals, which they closed after the flow of water was deemed sufficient,
and re-opened when the river had fallen sufficiently to allow it to run
off. This practice is now quite common, and by it much marshy land
has been reclaimed. The low lands in the Eastern parts of the country
may all in time be filled up by the sediment left by the inundations of
the rivers, but these are in reality so rare, and of such short duration,
that more will be effected by art than nature in this way. It
must be remembered, that the ordinary inundation which fills the
marshes does not proceed from the rivers but is furnished by the rains,
and yields no sediment, this distinction is, of course, not to be over-
looked in the execution of the operation above described.

Husbandry. — The agricultural processes in the Bhatta are very
simple, and may be briefly dismissed. As soon as the inundation
begins to subside, or in the beginning of November, such lands as are
sufficiently high for the purpose, are ploughed and sown for rice and
millet, the crop being cut in April. Gardens and orchards are unknown,
and the cultivation derives the smallest possible aid from the labour
which in other parts is so productive. There are neither sugarcane
patches, plantations of pan, vine, chillies, nor vegetables, — a little
sursoo, and hemp, with some gourds and cucumbers about the huts,
appear occasionally, but in limited quantity. The marshes are however
filled with cattle, from which profits are derived sufficient to make
the occupation of these desolate tracts desirable. Ghee and cheese
are made from the milk of buffaloes and cows, and the upper lands are
furnished with young bullocks for the plough in numbers, being
driven to bazars and fairs in the spring of the year, before the return
of the inundation in May and June, after which months they are
confined to their sheds, and supported on green fodder brought in
boats from the jhils. The people here are extensively concerned in
the transport of grain, being the carriers between the high lands east-
ward and the country to the south-west. The husbandry of the
eastern quarter is of a far more elaborate description, though it has not
yet exhausted the resources of art on the one hand, nor those of nature
on the other. A fertile soil, renewed continually by accumulations from

I

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts. 819

the hills, copious supplies of rain, with immunity from excessive inun-
dation, are among the advantages enjoyed by this favoured tract. The
character too of the scenery here becomes peculiar, and is sufficiently
marked to call for its separation from that of India generally. Vast
sheets of cultivation, extending for miles along the banks of the Surma
and other streams, intersected by splendid groves of trees and bamboos,
forniing shelter for extensive villages, and occasionally by low ranges
of wooded hills, and backed always by mountains either near or
distant, form an endless succession of gratifying scenes, on which the
eye rests with pleasure, and which, whether beheld by the agricultural
economist estimating the resources of the land, by the philanthrophist
rejoicing in the welfare of his fellow men, or by the lover of the pic-
turesque, must always excite the most pleasurable emotions. But I
must not wander from the simple account which I proposed to furnish
in this paper.

The ploughing season here begins in the middle of January, when
the lower descriptions of land destined for the Aumun crop are first
broken up ; the higher soon follow, though it is usual to reserve such,
on account of the hardness of the soil, until the first showers which
fall in February. Before the end of March all the lands are sown, and
in July or August the first crop is reaped from the higher lands alone,
which are again ploughed and sown for an autumnal crop in November
and December. It will readily be understood, that the aumun lands
are subject to inundation, though not commonly to the extent which
would endanger the crop, and I must here more particularly explain
their position, which may else seem not very reconcilable with parts
of the foregoing description. I have said that the western division
is subject to excessive inundation, — may be marked by a line running
southward from the neighbourhood of Chattak ; and this is true gener-
ally, though a few considerable gulfs cut into the eastern quarter,
running up for some miles, more especially between the courses of
the great rivers, and form petty jhils of great depth, which are un-
culturable. The aumun lands are situated on the sides of these and
similar jhils, but their cultivation is very different from that of the
Bhatta country, the crop in them remaining on the ground throughout
the rainy season, and being in consequence very abundant and rich,
while that of the Bhatta, grown only in the winter, is both scanty and of

820 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, §• adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

inferior quality. These jhils branching from the Bhatta, I should
observe, obstruct the cross communications in the higher country, and
render it impassable for travellers from about April or May, until the
middle or end of November, but do not affect the cultivation materially.

The ordinary products are dhdn, dhal, and kulaie, of all which
there are many varieties : the grain is usually divided into two classes,
called from the situation in which it has been grown Sayl, and
Aumun ; among these the subdivisions seem to be infinite, and I
should add, that they are not mere fanciful distinctions, but made with
reference to well marked peculiarities, either of quality or fruition.
Thus among the Sayl, which grows on the high lands, there are grains
which come to maturity in the short space of six weeks, while there
are others, as the Burwa, which can be raised on the Aumun lands in
the winter. It may not readily attract attention, but the careful
inquirer will, I think, find it no small advantage, that there are so many
grains whose times of coming to perfection are unequal, as they afibrd,
under proper management, a sure resource against the loss of crops of
more ample, but more slow growth. All the Sayl grains are raised on
seedling land and transplanted, and this practice extends, under
favourable circumstances, to the Aumun, the increased productiveness
consequent, being well known. As a point of some interest in Indian
husbandry, and on which doubts have been entertained, I may state from
personal knowledge, that manures are frequently and extensively used.
My occupation, as a Revenue Surveyor, gave me frequent opportunities
of making this observation in the most unexceptionable manner, and
that the practice is not readily avowed, I attribute to the fear on the
part of the cultivator that any practice which attracts the notice of a
European functionary, will be made the ground for increased assessment.

Irrigation is never found necessary except for the winter crops, but
if wheat was cultivated, which experiment has shewn to be perfectly
feasible in the cold season, water could be had in abundance for the
purpose, and in the same way, barley, oats, and potatoes, have all been
raised by me in Kachar on terms which prove their culture would be
highly profitable.

In attempting to estimate the profits of agriculture, and the condition
of the people employed in it, I should premise, that the minute sub-
division of the proprietory right to land which obtains in Sylhet, has

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet^ Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts. 821

been accompanied by those consequences which have been observed in
other countries similarly circumstanced, and that while the industry
exhibited in the cultivation of the petty taluks by their proprietors is
very admirable, the want of capita], by which their capabilities might
be increased, is but too apparent. I am not however sure, that the
physical comfort of the people is as yet diminished by this circumstance,
for it is certain that the means of subsistence are in abundance, and I
have no hesitation in saying, that I have no where seen a population
among whom the ordinary wants of nature were so easily and cheaply
supplied. But though there is an efficient and permanent demand for
produce, the want of capital, or rather its excessive dissemination,
effectually prevents the adoption of means by which the cultivator
might derive from his land those profits, which it is calculated to yield.
I must here meet an old and often urged objection, that it is the
Government exactions which check improvement, by observing, that
this is one of the lowest taxed districts in India, the average rate of
assessment being somewhere about four annas per head, or one rupee
one anna on the adult males alone, while the wages of labour are
from two and a half to three rupees a month. A rate therefore which
exacts on an average the value of ten days labour from each man in the
year, cannot be considered excessive, at least when compared with the
average for all India, which is above seven times higher. It is there-
fore to the dissemination of capital that the absence of improvement
is entirely attributable, and the state of the land tenures therefore in
this district is well worth the attention of the Indian financier, shewing
as it does the condition to which, under the existing laws of inheritance,
every province in India is tending.

No cultivator, whether proprietor or ryot, ever follows agriculture
here as a speculation, or ventures to till a larger quantity of land than
can be conveniently managed by himself and the members of his family,
and if he raises grain sufiicient for his annual expenditure, and a sur-
plus equal to the payment of the Government revenue, his operations
are considered successful. He employs the spare time, of which he
has abundance, in other pursuits which do not require a capital, or only
a very small one in money. Thus the more considerable proprietors
after letting the portion of their taluks which they do not find it
convenient to cultivate themselves, often engage in the conduct of

822 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, S^ adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

adventurers to the woods for timber, bamboos, grass, &c., or they clear
land on the hills for cotton, build boats, and convey grain to the
markets in the south, &c. ; while the Ryots act as boatmen, coolies, and
the like, in all which employments little or no cash outlay is required ;
but they subsist on grain raised in their own fields, while their wives
and children maintain themselves by making cloths, &c., for home
consumption, or sale, carrying the produce of their gardens and orchards
to market, and tending cattle.

There is nothing very remarkable in all this perhaps, except that it
exhibits a society among which the first steps in economical improve-
ment have hardly been taken, the advantages of the division of labour
not having yet been appreciated, or rather the introduction of that
principle having been prevented, by the want of accumulated capital, to
meet the expense and delay that must precede the more ample returns
which it ensures. I will not enter into any estimate of the expenses
attending the cultivation of land, and its return, as a farming specula-
tion, although I have by me details on the point; but conclude this
subject with observing, that at the existing rates of rent and labonr
agriculture would return the former (independent of any improvements
he might effect) about thirty per cent., on his capital. The common
opinion, confirmed by the current price of estates, is, that money in-
vested in land yields the proprietor from 12 to 15 per cent.

Hill Agriculture. — Among the hill tribes, cultivation is very imper-
fectly practised, and many therefore depend wholly on their intercourse
with the plains ; nor can it be said that any of them are at all times
wholly secured from want by their own resources. The nature of the
country in the south part of the Kasia mountains precludes agriculture,
but in the central and northern parts rice is raised in considerable
quantity, particularly in the little glens, and on the sides of the vallies,
irrigation being practised, and the water brought to the field through
narrow canals, and conveyed over hollows, or up heights, for short
distances by hollow trunks of trees or bamboos, experience having
taught the cultivator that water can be made to rise in tubes to the
level of its source. The labouring season is in the spring, and the
crop is cut in August and September.

In the wooded parts of the mountains, by whomsoever occupied,
whether Kacharies, Nagas, or Kukies, the cultivation is of a mixed

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts, 823

description, consisting of cotton, rice, and sundry vetches, grown
indiscriminately together in one large clearing. The ground for the
crop is first prepared by the dao (or bill), the jungle when dried is
burnt, and the ashes worked into the soil, which is then broken up by
the hoe, and the seed planted or sown in March or April for a crop in
September. The hills on the Sylhet and Tippera frontier are culti-
vated in a similar manner by the natives of the plains, who form them-
selves into associations periodically for the purpose of a trip into the
hills, on a joint account, to cultivate cotton and cut wood and bamboos.
The cotton thus obtained is not exported, indeed the quantity raised is
barely sufficient for local consumption. It is short in the staple, but
the cloths made from it being found to combine warmth with lightness,
are in great esteem among the people.

I proceed briefly to notice whatever appears peculiar among plants,
vegetables, and fruits.

Indigo is not cultivated in Sylhet, but though one or two trials have
been unsuccessful, I think (with men of some experience) that with
greater attention it would succeed. The climate cannot, as it has
been supposed, be wholly unfavourable, seeing that the plant grows
wild on the hills, and that a very excellent dye is obtained from it by
the simple processes there in use. The certainty of having rain
for the spring sowings, and the possibility of choosing the ground above
the chance of inundation, are among the advantages which I anticipate
for the cultivation of indigo in these tracts.

Poppy, sugarcane, safflower, sursoo, and other plants yielding oil,
flax and hemp, call for no particular notice, they are all cultivated with
success in Kachar, Jynta, and (except the poppy) in the Eastern
division of Sylhet.

Oranges, together with the arica and pan vines, for which this coun-
try is famous, are all the produce of the lower parts of the Kasia hills,
growing only on the limestone strata. Arica of an inferior quality
is indeed found all over Sylhet, but deteriorates in quality to the
eastward, until in Kachar it wholly disappears. Among other fruits,
the plaintain is peculiarly fine, but the mangoe is inferior, and is not
found to improve to the eastward ; the lemon is found wild in the
Kasia hills, and the apricot and lichi in those of Kachar; and in
general the vegetation exhibits so much variety, and there are so many

5 M

824 Memoir of Sylhet^ Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

new plants offering themselves, as we advance eastward, that this, with
the similarity of climate to that of the southern parts of China, led to
the inquiries originally commenced by the late Mr. Scott for the tea
plant, which if it has not yet been discovered in a wild state so far to
the westward, would probably succeed on some of the soils in the
alluvial formations of Kachar or Tippera. Several cognate plants have
been found, and genuine tea plants were raised in my garden from
seeds in 1835.

China root i(Rhubarb?) and lignum aloes are mentioned as the pro-
duce of Sylhet in the " Ayin Akhbari," but I never heard that either
engaged the attention of the trader.

Land Tenures and Revenue. — The tenures in Sylhet being derived
mostly from the Mahomedan government, are similar to those of Bengal
generally ; but the condition of the land, which is subdivided to an
extent elsewhere unknown, excites the attention of every intelligent
inquirer. The permanent settlement included Sylhet, and about that
time there were I think 27,000 proprietors enrolled in the Collec-
tor's books, since when, in consequence of subdivisions which have
been facilitated rather than checked by the law, the number has
more than trebled, and a revenue of three and a half lacs is now
collected from a hundred thousand proprietors. The only species of
holding which seems unknown in Sylhet, is that of the village commu-
nity, or Bhya chara, and this is the more remarkable, as something very
like it still exists in Kachar and Assam, and there seems so much reason
to believe that it attained over the whole of Sylhet, as a part of the
ancient Kamrup ; indeed I think it will be found that it is to the break-
ing up of these communities, by admitting the individual holders to
engagements with the State direct, that we must attribute the origin of
the extraordinary number of petty holdings in this district. Notwith-
standing the existence of some tenures of a different character in
Assam, the most ancient form in that country, apparently, by which
land was held, was under a grant from the prince addressed to a body
of proprietors, who by it were erected into a corporation, called a Raj,
and who possessed the land on terms by which they were bound each
for the other, and for the revenue of the whole estate. In Kachar this
is unquestionable, and indeed up to a recent period no other form of
tenure was known or acknowledged. The pecuniary wants of the late

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet^ KachaVy ^ adjacent Districts, 825

Rajahs led to the introduction among the Raj of titles borrowed from
the Musalmans, such as Chrowdries, &c., but the ancient grants were
directed only to the Bur Bhuyiah and Bhuyiah's, names which clearly
refer to the soil (^^) though they are not current beyond these coun-
tries. In every Raj were certain classifications of the proprietors,
made however without reference to the local positions of their estates,
but according as they were charged with the payment of revenue to the
prince direct, or to some one in whose favour he had made an assign-
ment. These were Called Khels, and the principal among them was
the Khilmah, which paid to the Rajah, while all the others, as the
Sang-jurai, Dekha-jurai, &c. after paying a fixed proportion only to
the prince, accounted for the balance to the Ranni, to the Jub Raj, or
other holder of the assignment. The local administration and execu-
tion of the prince's orders were anciently intrusted to the Raj, subject
only to an appeal to the Raja, and they had the power to settle land
on terms similar to those by which they themselves held, transacting
business in periodical meetings.

I cannot detail the steps by which the power, consequence, and very
nature of these corporations were destroyed ; but content myself with
observing, that there is unquestionable evidence of the state of things I
have described still extant in the country, while it is certain that
the late Raja completed their subversion, and left to the Rajes nothing
valuable but the name, by assessing each landholder according to the
full extent of his cultivation, abolishing all local jurisdiction and autho-
rity, whether in judicial or fiscal matters, and reducing all the proprie-
tors to a footing of equality ; though he still most inconsistently held
them responsible collectively for the revenue of their Khels, making
over the estates of defaulters to their management after they had in
effect ceased to be a corporate body.

Under every change the proprietors still retained their hereditary right
in the soil, and the locality of each holding was ascertained from time to
time by measurement, as the shares and boundaries of individuals
varied continually under the influence of the laws of inheritance,
though the boundaries of the Raj remained unchangfed, unless by a
special grant made by the authority of the prince to a new corporation
out of the unoccupied waste. Much of the cultivation, at least since the
decline of the kingdom from its former consequence, was performed on

826 Memoir of Sylhety Kachar, ^ adjacent Distritcts. [No. 104.

the smaller Taluks by the holders themselves, assisted by their families,
but the larger proprietors leased their lands to Packhastyuts, retained
some portion to be cultivated by their slaves, and assigned another
to their hereditary Ryots, a class of people whose position was analo-
gous to the Khudkhast Ryot on the one hand, and to that of agri-
cultural slaves on the other ; for while they had a right to cultivate
at fixed rates, and could not be removed, they were at the same time
not only answerable for the rent, but not at liberty to throw up their
lands, or quit the property.

I have been thus prolix in describing the Kachar tenures, because
I think that an interest attaches to them on account of their antiquity,
and because to them I think the existing tenures in Assjam and
Sylhet may with truth be traced. I conclude that the land in the
latter district while it formed a part of Kamrup, were held by Raj
corporations precisely similar to those of Kachar ; as the Mahomedan
conquerors advanced, they altered the old state of things by admit-
ting the members of the Raj to engage individually for the revenue ;
or still more frequently by making grants to Musalman chiefs and
colonists, who soon found it their interest to compound with the ancient
proprietors, and accept a portion only of the Raj land, in preference to
having the whole thrown on their hands denuded of cultivators, who
rather than remain on their hereditary estates in the reduced condition
of Ryots, would emigrate to the eastward. The portions given up by
the old occupants would consist of shares of each Taluk, not of a
parcel under continuous boundaries; and hence probably arose the
strange intermixture of the lands composing the estates of the leading
proprietors in Sylhet, which are commonly found in numerous small
parcels, at great distances from each other. Acquisitions made subse-
quently by purchase or inheritance, with the practice of allowing all
lands belonging to one proprietor to be recorded in the Revenue
Offices under one number, without reference to their locality, would
of course in time swell the number of these isolations.

It had always been the custom to regulate all revenue demands on the
land where the separate holdings were so very small, by a measurement
made with more or less accuracy ; and accordingly at the formation of
the perpetual settlement in Sylhet a departure from the general rule by
which such measurements were at the time prohibited, was sanctioned in

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet^ Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts, 827

that particular district. By the records of that survey, and consequent
arrangements, it appears that only that portion of the district which was
known to be occupied, and to which proprietory right distinctly attached,
came under settlement, and though much of the land measured was
recorded as junglah ; recent surveys shew that there must have been
vast tracts of waste, which were not included in the operations of
that time. The cultivation of these wastes has given rise to a
legal question, which has employed the talents, and engaged the attention
of some of the ablest civilians of our day. It is well known that by the
provisions of the permanent settlement, the right of government to
derive an increase of revenue from an extention of cultivation on
the estates then settled, was declared to be given up for ever, and
it was even added, that the advantage of this declaration should be
conceded to those whose lands had been withheld from assessment
by fraud, collusion, or mistake. But wastes which at the time of the
settlement were not included within the known boundaries of any
estate, could not by any possibility be contemplated in this arrangement;
and as it was known by general inquiries, which have since been
confirmed by actual measurement, that the quantity of land under
cultivation in Sylhet far exceeded the total on which the settlement had
been concluded, it was quite clear that an acquisition had been made
from the waste to which the government right for revenue would apply.
Such lands have been called Halahadee^ and have formed the subject
of a most voluminous and intricate correspondence among the revenue
officers for many years.

The right of government to revenue from lands which have been
reclaimed from the waste, and not included under the settlement, is
admitted by all who have made themselves acquainted with the subject,
but the difficulty is, to distinguish such lands; and its possibility is by
some authorities wholly denied. On the part of the government it is
urged, that documents founded on the old survey are still in existence
shewing the superficial contents of each estate at the time of settlement,
and that if on a measurement a Taluk is now found to contain more land
than the gross amount (abadee smd junglah J for which it was assessed,
there can be no doubt that the excess has been derived from the waste,
and indeed it does not appear, prima facie, that it could well be derived
from any other source.

828 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts, [No. 104.

On the other side it is answered, that the documents alluded to
cannot be relied on, and that even if they were worthy of more
credit than can be conceded to them, still it would seem a good
argument against a demand for increase of ** jumma," if the Talukdar
were to urge that the total quantity of land in his estate was put down
originally too small, either in consequence of " fraud, collusion, or
mistake." To this it has been rejoined, that there is of course no
intention to deny the validity of such an objection in every case
when it shall be satisfactorily established by evidence ; and the parties
seem thus to be at issue on the point, whether the revenue officers
having shown that there is an excess of land, it rests with the Talukdar
to prove that this excess was within his original boundary, or with the
government to go one step further, and shew by additional proof that it
was acquired from the waste.

In the course of this inquiry some documentary evidence was
brought to light, calculated to facilitate the latter course of proceeding
very much. This was contained in certain records prepared soon after
the settlement, and shewing the boundaries, locality, and estimated
extent of the waste lands which had been reserved from the settle-
ment. These papers were very incomplete, and did not include the
whole of the wastes; but on a measurement of the lands indicated
by them, a very considerable quantity of cultivation was elicited, upon
which the claim for revenue was admitted, and a much larger quantity
on which it was nearly certain it could be established. I have had
no opportunity of learning the result of these inquiries, having been
removed from the district before they were completed.

The revenue of Kachar was derived, at the time of its acquisition
by us, from a land tax levied at a rate much higher than that of
Sylhet, from customs levied on all the frontiers at most extravagant
rates, from a sort of excise taken at all Bazars, from monopolies
of every thing valuable in trade, as ivory, timber, &c. and from a house
tax on the inhabitants of the mountains. The first steps taken for the
reform of this department were, the abolition of all monopolies, the
removal of all prohibition on exports and imports, the abolition of
the excise, and the reduction of duties in the external trade. The
immediate results were, an increase of trade, the customs on which,
though levied at very reduced rates, yielded a far larger amount than

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet^ Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts. 829

under the old system was obtained from the whole of the Sayer Mahal,
and I think this branch of revenue quadrupled itself in five years,
thus affording another verification of the principle in finance, — that low
duties by encouraging consumption, will be found more productive
than high ones, which on the contrary check it.

The sources of revenue in Jynta were very dissimilar to those of
Kachar, as the Raja of that country having acquired the plains by
conquest, appears to have abrogated the hereditary rights of the land-
holders, and to have allowed none to hold except on terms annually
granted or renewed at his pleasure, and which were very various.
The plains of Jynta were probably conquered from Sylhet since the
days of Akbar, one of the Mahus in the " Ayin Akhbari" being called
Chyntar, which may well be a mistranscription, the Persian letter ^
having been mistaken for ^«

History and people. — My notices of the history and people of these
countries will necessarily be brief, as I do not propose to record the
story of their petty dissensions and change of governors, but rather
to collect and point attention to such facts whether derived from
tradition or otherwise, as may throw light on the origin and mi-
grations of the races which inhabit them, and this the more especially,
as I am not aware that in so doing, I shall suppress any thing of
real interest.

Kacharis. — According to records preserved among the family of the
last princes of Kachar (which however are but traditions reduced to
writing) the Kacharis conquered the kingdom of Kamrup, and gave to
it a succession of Rajas from whom the late royal family of Kachar, of
the line of Ha-tsung-tsa, derive their descent. The term Kachari
is of modern date, the proper name by which that people call them-
selves being Rangtsa, and the country from which they trace their
origin being situated in the north-east of Assam.

It is known that Kamrup extended anciently to the southward as far
as the confluence of the Megna with the Brahmaputra ; and the Kacharis
appear to have established themselves in the countries east of that line,
including Assam, Sylhet, Tippera, and modern Kachar, or Hirumbha,
in all of which, except Sylhet, they are found as a distinct people
differing in appearance, religion, and customs from the other inhabit-
ants.

830 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

The Ha-tsung-tsa family was expelled from Kamrup by the Rajas
of Kooch Behar, and being driven* into Hirumbha maintained them-
selves in a reduced but independent form until the time of Raja
Gobindchundra, who after many vicissitudes of fortune, became in 1 824
a British tributary, and being murdered in 1830, and leaving no blood
relations, terminated the line.

The people of Tippera are said to have the same origin with the
Kacharis, and the similarity of religion, customs, and appearance,
makes this probable. It may be added, that the Rajas of both
countries have formerly acknowledged the connexion ; the Tippera
family being described as a younger branch of the ancient royal
family, which in their expulsion from Kamrup established itself in-
dependently in the country which it formerly held as an appendage.

The dates of these transactions cannot be traced? but the Assam
Baraujis state, that at the commencement of the Ahom dynasty in up-
per Assam, in the 12th century, the Kooch Behar princes had possession
of Kamrup, from which, as well as from the date of the first Mahomedan
expedition into Kamrup (in 1204) it may be concluded that the sub-
version of the Kachar dynasty considerably preceded that era, and that
the assertion made by the Kachar chiefs, that their ancestors con-
quered Assam about one thousand years ago, is tolerably correct.

The existence in Kachar, even in these days, of many poor and
proud families who disdain to labour for their subsistence, and look to
official employment alone as a becoming source of livelihood, the
number of offices, and their nature, so inconsistent with the poverty
and insignificance of the late petty Court, are among the circumstances
which attest the credibility of the story of former power, and taken
with traditions current in these countries, entitle the pretensions of the
Kacharis to a degree of credit, which they would not otherwise
deserve.

The Kachari language is unwritten, having been superseded for
all purposes of business by the Bengali for many centuries, and this
circumstance greatly increases the difficulty of all attempts to trace the

* The tradition is, that the invaders from Kooch Behar were preceded by Brahmans
mounted on cows, against whom the Kacharis either could not, or dare not, oppose
themselves ; but this is obviously a Hindu fiction.

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar^ §• adjacent Districts, 831

origin of the people through that medium. Greater probability of
success offers through a careful examination of their religion and
customs, on which points my inquiries will, I think, be found not to be
without use. Although Brahmanism professes to receive no converts,
yet great efforts have been made to bring within the pale of Hinduism
both the Kacharis, the Munipories, and most of the tribes to the
eastward. It is matter of history that Brahmanism had no root in
Assam earlier than the middle of the 1 6th century, though it has
since attained to such power as to shake the throne of that country.
In Munipore its progress has been still more recent, but in Kachar
Proper, or Hirumbha, the process of conversion has been going on
before our eyes, and actually commenced within the last fifty years.
The father and uncle of the two last Rajas professed the old religion, and
did not conform to Brahmanism; but Krishna and Gobindchundra,
about the year 1790 a. d., were both placed, with certain ceremonies,
in the body of a large copper image of a cow, and thence produced
by Bengali Brahmins as reclaimed Hindus to an admiring people.
Place was assigned them as Chhettry of the Suraj Bungsi tribe, and
numbers of their followers, after their example, were admitted to caste,
and are called Hindus ; but still greater numbers were infinitely
disgusted at the whole procedure, and there can be little doubt that the
divisions to which it gave rise, and the injudicious persecutions by
which it was followed, were at the root of all the misfortunes by which
the country was soon visited.

The ancient religion of Kachar is not clearly referable to any of the
forms existing in Eastern Asia, and certainly not to any of the Hindu
systems, as will appear by the following account. The Kacharis ac-
knowledge a Supreme Being, or first principle, from which the world
and all that it contains is derived. They worship the manifest powers
of nature, or rather spirits having authority over them, and the in-
fluences of the seasons.

No superstitious regard is paid to animal life, and even the cow was
not anciently held sacred.

There is no class set apart for the priesthood, neith^ do any take
upon themselves exclusively sacerdotal functions ; but these are per-
formed by the elders in families, and by the ministers of state, and
high public functionaries, on great public occasions. There was how-

5 N

832 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, §• adjacent Districts, [No. 104.

ever one officer who had charge of the series of ceremonies performed
in the spring of the year, but his duty was abolished by the jealousy
or bigotry of the late Rajas. Among their superstitions, it is the practice
to perform sacrifice before a bamboo planted in the ground, and into
which it is maintained the Power worshipped enters, on being duly
propitiated, and causes the boughs to bend in token of his approba-
tion. This custom is common also to the Tipperas.

The indifference shown for animal life, and the absence of an esta-
blished and hereditary priesthood, mark sufficiently the disconnexion
with Hinduism, and the disregard for caste may be taken as an
additional proof of this ; for though the people are divided into forty
Sympongs, these are only so many social distinctions, or tribes, and
they are not prohibited from intermarrying or eating together, which
they accordingly frequently do. All these circumstances considered,
it will be found that this superstition more resembles the system of
Confucius than any thing Indian.

The law of inheritance appears to be, that all property descends
in equal shares among the male children, and afterwards, in the natural
order of succession, to the brothers and brothers issue ; but as the
leading men formerly made no acquisitions in land (for the Kachari
cultivation is carried on by the inferior classes in a species of co-
parcenary) the subject has not given rise to much investigation. Mar-
riages seem to have been contracted spontaneously, without the direct
intervention of friends, but polygamy was allowed, and by the richer
classes indulged in to a great extent. The marriage of widows was
sanctioned, though not encouraged, and in order to escape the scandal of
such connexions, it seems to have been usual for widows, at least among
the higher ranks, to reside in the families of their deceased husband's
brother, by which it has after happened that more scandal was created
than it was intended to avoid.

Among peculiar customs, for which no reason appears, it seems
to have been a rule that the Rajah should never reside in a building
of masonry, but in bungalows surrounded by a stockaded enclosure,
perhaps to reftiind him of his origin among the woods of upper Assam.
The worship of irascible female spirits, and the practice of the
Tantra magic ascribed by the Hindus to the people of Kamrup, are
imputations which derive some countenance from the existing worship of

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet^ Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts, 833

Ramchundi, the Thakoorain of Kachar, who is adored under the
symbol of a sword, religiously preserved in the Rajbarri, and to the
possession of which the most inexpressible importance is attached.
It is worthy of remark, that no image of any thing having life is
worshipped in Kachar, nor are there either in that country or Sylhet
any remains of antique buildings, and especially of Hindu buildings,
to attest the existence at an early date of a Hindu population. There
is a footstep cut in the rock on the ridge east of Aquee, said by the
people of both Kachar and Munipur to have been made by the gods
as a boundary mark between the two states : this may be one of
the numerous footsteps of Gautama, but there is obviously no certainty
about its antiquity.

Kasias, — Among the aboriginal tribes, the Kasias, or more correctly
(as they style themselves) the Khyee, attract the most attention,
standing as much distinguished from their neighbours in personal ap-
pearance, and social and religious customs, as their country is different
from others in geological structure and physical aspect. The Khyee are
an athletic race of mountaineers, fond still of a martial appearance,
and their reputation as warriors is hardly extinct, as their extensive
feudatory inroads are still remembered in Sylhet and Assam, the
plains of which countries they formerly laid under contribution very
frequently. The religion of the Kasias does not assimilate with
any of the known Indian systems, but is limited to certain super-
stitious practices (among which the augury seems to be in greatest
esteem) and to the reverence for, and sacrifice to, the presiding deities
of villages, hills, and similar localities, but does not comprehend the
knowledge of a universal, all-pervading Intelligence, such as is ac-
knowledged by the Kacharis, or the immortality of the soul. Brah-
manism has made some progress among the Kasias, especially of
Jynta, and some of the higher classes there have adopted Hindu
practices, and obtained admission among the Sudra castes, but this has
not led to the entire abandonment of their national superstitions,
connected with which was the cruel abomination of human sacrifice,
for being accessory to which the last Raja lost his throne and
country.

The great peculiarity among the Khyee, and that by which perhaps
their remote connexion with other tribes will be established, is the

834 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

custom which prevails in regard to the descent of both personal and
real property, and which holds equally of regal authority. By this all
property and right passes to the eldest son of the nearest female
relative in the descending line, or generally, to the son of the eldest
sister of the holder. Whatever laxity may be observed in regard
to other practices, and however some of the upper ranks may conform
to the rules of caste, and desire admission among the Hindus, this
custom is by all most tenaciously adhered to. They are further
charged with the practice of polyandry, but however it may in reality
be tolerated, the upper classes in general disclaim it, and it can be
said to prevail only among the poorer sort, with whom too it would
often seem to mean rather facility of divorce than the simultaneous
admission of a plurality of husbands. It is possible, however, that
unqualified polyandry existed formerly, and that it has fallen into
disrepute since a more intimate connexion with the plains has sprung
up. ^

The Khyee language is unwritten, and moreover exhibits no affinity
with any of the languages of the neighbourhood, some of which,
(numerous and diversified as they are), often offer indications of a
common origin, but the point is of less importance, as among the rude
mountain tribes great dissimilarity of language has been observed to
exist, even where a common origin was nearly certain. There are no
antique remains, or works of art, on which to build conjectures as to
the condition of the people by whom the country was anciently occu-
pied, for though there are several considerable rude stone columnar
erections, yet there is nothing peculiar or artificial in their construc-
tion, and they are exceeded in magnitude and vastness of design by
Stonehenge, and by the Masses seen in Mexico. No mechanical con-
trivances were employed in raising either these columns, or the cir-
cular slabs which are often met, but they were constructed by manual
labor, some of them being of recent times. There is however a stone
bridge of considerable dimensions in the Jynta mountains, the style of
which is Saracenic, but it is quite possible the work may have been
constructed by a Mussulman in the employment of the Raja at no very
distant period. No great respect is paid by the Khyee to hereditary
chiefs, though their rank is readily admitted, but their influence depends
more on their personal character, and their power to guide the pubUc

i

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts . 835

assemblies, without which nothing is decided either among the com-
munity collectively, or the villages separately.

Destruction of human life, whether by accident or design, in open
war or in secret, is always the cause of feud among the relations of the
parties, which are terminated only by reprisals, or a compensation in
money.

The equipment of a Khyee chief is martial and striking in appearance ;
a tunic of strong cloth, bordered by party colors, without sleeves, well
adapted to muscular exertions, sits close to his body above the waist ;
an ample shield of buffaloe hide or brass is slung at his back, and leaves
him at liberty to employ both his hands either with the bow, the javelin,
or a powerful two-handed sword which hangs by his side. This sword
is unique in kind, and more like the German or Swiss weapon than any
thing Indian. The bow is of bamboo, and is fitted with a slip of the
same substance in place of twine, as it never softens in rain, and is
equally useful in all weathers. It is to the credit of the Khyee that
though acquainted with the use of poisoned arrows they never employ
them against their fellow men in war, but only in the chase against
wild beasts. A series of destructive defeats during a protracted con-
test with the Government troops has not entirely destroyed the mar-
tial disposition of this people, who probably still retain the remem-
brance of those days in which their fathers pillaged both Sylhet and
Assam.

Conjecture is lost in assigning a probable origin to the Khyees. Seg-
regated strictly in a tract of country as different from the neighbour-,
hood as they themselves are from the other tribes, they seem to owe
the retention of their independence entirely to their personal qualities,
as their mountains are by no means difficult of access. I am quite
sensible that verbal analogy affords but a slight foundation on which to
build an hypothesis, but I may nevertheless mention, that a people resem-
bling the Khyee in some particulars formerly occupied a position on
the south bank of the Brahmaputra at Measpara, where they were called
Mek ; they were known to have come originally from the frontiers of
Butan and Nipal; the Khyee are called Mike by the Kacharis, and
their customs in regard to marriage assimilate to those of Butan. The
theory which would assign a western origin to the Khyee is counten-
anced by their appearance, and especially by the absence in them of

836 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts, [No. 104.

those peculiarities about the eye which stamp the tribes of Indo-Chi-
nese origin.

Nagas. — The Nagas are found in all the tracts east of the Kupili
River, as far as the country of the Khamtis, much of which is un-
explored. This generic name seems to have been applied to them
by the Hindus of the plain, with reference either to their scanty cloth-
ing, or more probably to their residence in the mountains, but is not
acknowledged among themselves or the other hill tribes, among whom
they call themselves " Kwaphee." They are associated commonly with
the Kukis or Koonjye, from whom however they are essentially distinct
in customs, and personal appearance. The Nagas though often power-
ful men, yet do not commonly display those marks from which great
strength may be inferred. Their limbs have not the massive confi-
guration of the Kukis and other hill men. It is a distinguishing
particular of the Naga tribes that they are not a migratory or wan-
dering people, and while the hill Kacharis and Kukis continually change
their locations, seldom keeping their villages more than three years in
one spot, the Nagas remain fixed, and their insignificant villages,
which appear in one of Rennell's early Maps, are to be found still as
they stood in 1764. Again, the Nagas are remarkable as using
no weapons but the javelin and dao, a sort of bill common to the
Birmas, Shans, and most of the hill tribes except the Kasias ; and
they have no prejudices on the score of food, eating every thing
indiscriminately, as well that flesh which has been slain for food as that
which has not. In common with the Kukis and Garrows however
they abstain strictly from milk, butter, or ghee, looking on the use of
them with great aversion. The religion of both tribes is limited to a
few superstitious practices, differing among themselves, but presenting
nothing from which their origin or connexion with other tribes is
to be inferred.

Kukis, — The Kukis have long been notorious for their attacks
on the peaceable inhabitants of the plains, to whom along the Sylhet
and Kachar frontier they have at times been very troublesome. In
addition to the javelin they employ bows and poisoned arrows, a
practice perhaps suggested by their contests with the larger animals, as
elephants and tigers, with which their forests abound. The object
of their inroads on the plains is not plunder, for which they have never

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts, 837

been known to shew any desire, but they kill and carry away the
heads of as many human beings as they can seize, and have been
known in one night to carry off fifty. These are used in certain
ceremonies performed at the funerals of the chiefs, and it is always
after the death of one of their Rajas that their incursions occur.

The proper limits of the Kukis are undefined, but they never seem
to have stretched northward of Chattrchura peak, and Kukitunga
on the frontier of Sylhet, nor above Soor and Tungtching in Kachar.
The villages at Abong in Upper Kachar are exceptions, but they
are well known to have been settled by Raja Krishnachundra with
Kukis from the southward, who had sought his protection. The Kukis
have been accused of cannibalism, and I am aware of an instance
in which the charge seemed substantiated, but they disclaim the
imputation with much vehemence, and I have seen no reason to think
that the practice is frequent among them.

People of Sylhet. — The inhabitants of Sylhet are Bengalis, and
not distinguishable from that race in the districts to the westward.
On a closer examination, however, it will be observed that the lower
classes, especially the inferior castes of Hindu cultivators, bear marks
of their indigenous origin, and a striking difference may be remarked
between their features and those of the Musulman descendants of
the colonists by whom the country was gradually conquered. The
few families of any consideration in the district are known to be
of Hindustani or Persian origin, and these are the most respected,
though they have been superseded of late years by one or two consi-
derable Hindu houses, which have acquired fortune and consequence
in our service. There are also some Musulman families, descendants
of chiefs or Rajas under the Kamrup dynasty, who were forced to
conform to Mahomedanism on the change of masters ; of these the
principal is that of the Baniachuny Raja, whose ancestor was probably
the party conquered by Esau Afghan, in the reign of Akhbar, when
*' the kutbeh was read, and the coin struck in the Bhatta country,"
according to Abul Fuzil. It must have been a Raja of the same
family also who was attacked in 1254 a. d. by Mulic Yuzbeg, the
Governor of Bengal, who afterwards lost his life in Southern Assam,
or rather in the mountains between Assam and Sylhet. The family
though converted to Mahomedanism has always retained the title

838 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^ adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

of Raja : it is fast going to ruin under the joint influence of the laws
of inheritance and improvident habits.

It is impossible (and if possible would be tedious) to trace the steps
by which the progressive conquest of this part of Kamrup was effected,
but some of the principal may, I think, be satisfactorily established, and
will be found worthy of attention. The earliest Mahomedan invasion is
that of Mahomed Bukhtiyar, who is said to have penetrated through
Kamrup into Thibet in a. d. 1205-6; and as I think his expedition,
though unsuccessful, called forth a display of energy and talent calcu-
lated to excite our admiration of these early adventurers, I shall offer
no apology for attempting to elucidate it.

Mahomed Bukhtiyar was the Governor of Behar, and in 1203 a. d.
entered Bengal, and having rapidly overcome that country, he imme-
diately turned his forces against Kamrup, which appears to have been
then a powerful kingdom, and worthy of his arms. The accounts of his
expedition, left us by Mahomedan writers, state that he proceeded from
Dacca, opening for himself a road along the banks of the Luckia ;
that he marched under the guidance of a hill chief, of the tribe called
Koonch, whom he had converted to Islamism ; that they reached a
mighty river "three times as wide as the Ganges" called the Bang-
muttee, on which stood a city called Burdehund, which he captured ; that
after marching ten days along the banks of this river, they entered the
defiles of the mountains, having passed which, they crossed the river
(Brahmaputra ?) by a stone bridge of twenty-two arches, after which
the Raja of Kamrup submitted. He then moved into the Butan
mountains, and reached the plains of Thibet, where his army was so
roughly handled in a battle with the people of the country, and
alarmed by an expected attack from the chief of a city called Kerrim-
patan, which was governed by a Christian, having under him a Butia
population with Brahman officers, that they retreated, and finding
the bridge broken down by the Kamrup Raja, who now harassed them
in every way, they returned, utterly discomforted with the loss of
the greater part of their number, to Bengal, where Mahomed Bukhtiyar
died of grief and vexation. I must own the latter part of this
narrative is quite inexplicable on any hypothesis, except that of
the fancy of the writers, or their desire to account for a defeat which
was most likely the consequence of disease and privation. But the

1

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet^ Kachar^ ^ adjacent districts, 839

first part admits of some explanations, calculated to remove apparent
inconsistencies, and to render the story up to the passage of the
bridge sufficiently credible. The points which demand elucidation
are, the locality of the Bangmuttee and its extraordinary size ; the
stone bridge of twenty- two arches; and the name of the river over
which it was thrown. In the narrative three hill tribes are mentioned,
the Koonch, the Mikah, and the Nadera ; the Koonch it has been sup-
posed are the people of Kooch Bahar, but however this may be,
there is no difficulty about the Mikah, that being the name by which
the Kasias at this day are known among the Kacharis ; and Mikedeetak
being the title of an officer who had charge of the frontier with
that people, and such of them as occasionally took up their residence
within the Kachar jurisdiction ; and as it is expressly stated that
the Mahomedan army crossed the mountains^ before they reached the
bridge, and before the Raja submitted, I conclude, that they entered
Lower Assam, not by Goalpara, but by the Kasia or Kachar mountains.
The river, three times as wide as the Ganges, could not have been
the Brahmaputra, both because Mahomedan writers shew themselves
acquainted with that river, and because no one who had seen the
rivers about Dacca, could ever fancy the Brahmaputra above the
Luckia to be even wider than the Ganges; but to reach the Kasia
Hills, they must have marched along the edge of the inundation
in the Bhatta country, most likely before the waters had much abated,
and they mistook that for a river.

No river called Bangmuttee (burster of earth) is now known in the
north-east parts of Bengal, but there is a place called Bangha, which
derives its name, without question, from its position at the fork of
the Soorma and Kusiara rivers, where the latter bursts from the
former and rushes towards the Bhatta country. It should here too be
remarked, that Bhangh (^t^) means to walk through water or mud, as
well as to burst or break, and the expression therefore is applicable
to the inundation. As the guide was called Ali Mikah, I conclude that
he was a Kasia, and led the army over his native mountains to some point
on the Burrampootah, where a temporary bridge, composed of timber,
supported on pieces of rough stone, might be erected, and where the
breadth would not be so great, but that in the dry season twenty-
two arches might suffice for the passage over the actual stream.

5o

840 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^ adjacent districts. [No. 104.

If any doubt should still be entertained, that the first Mahomedan
expeditions into Kamrup and Assam passed through the mountains
north of Sylhet, I may mention, that in 1256 a. d. Malec Yusbeg, who
had invaded Kamrup from Bengal, was killed while retreating " across
the mountains ;" and that between 1489 and 1499 Ala- Udin, having
*'frst overrun Assam" proceeded westward to the conquest of Kamrup,
which course is impossible on any other supposition, than that he
entered Assam by the way either of Hirumbah or Sylhet, most likely
the former.

Mahomed Bukhtiyar's army consisted of ten thousand men, chiefly
Tartar cavalry, and that he was able to subsist them^ proves that the
countries through which he passed must have been well cultivated ;
but when we reflect that this expedition was made before the in-
vention of fire-arms, and that the invaders had therefore no advantage
over the people of the country in regard to their weapons, while the
country is in no part favourable for cavalry, we cannot but feel our
respect for the skill, energy, and enterprize of the early Mahomedan
conquerors of India considerably elevated.

The condition of Sylhet, as noticed in the Ayin Akhbari, with the
fact formerly noticed, that the Bhatta country was only recently con-
quered, proves that in the time of Akhbar, the district had not acquired
above one half of its present dimensions, and this supposition is
confirmed by Sunnuds bearing date in the 15th and 16th centuries,
shewing that adventurers were encouraged to make war upon *' the infi-
dels" on the frontier, and that lands were granted, of which they
were to obtain possession by force. The town of Sylhet existed
in the time of Akhbar, and as this is known to date from the Mosque
built over the tomb of Sha Gelaal, its patron saint, who con-
quered it from a native Raja, we may assume, that the current tra-
dition, which assigns its erection to the middle of the 13th century, is
correct.

The first appearance of the English power occurs in 1762, when
a detachment of five companies of Sipahis under the direction of Mr.
H. Verelst marched from Chittagong under the Tippera Hills through
the southern part of Sylhet into Kachar, where they remained nearly
a year, encamping at Kaspur, then the capital and residence of Raja
Hurrishch under. After a lapse of seventy years the object of this

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^ adjacent districts, 841

march had been forgotten, except by a few old persons, who stated that
it was for the conquest of Manipur, and this statement has proved to
be correct, the researches of Captain Pemberton having elicited the
original treaty concluded with the chief of Chittagong, under which
it was agreed that the Raja Jy Sinh of Manipur, who had been expelled
by the Burmans, should be restored by us on certain conditions, chiefly
of a commercial nature. The expedition was prevented by the diffi-
culty of the country from proceeding beyond Kaspur, and was recal-
led to assist in the war against Kasim Ali Khan.

In 1 774 a detachment under Major Henniker was employed against
the Raja of Jynta, whose country was conquered, but restored on pay-
ment of a fine. The cause of this collision is supposed to have been
connected with the marauding habits to which the Kasias were then
addicted, and which had not yet been suppressed.

There is but one point of general interest untouched, upon which I
wish to offer a few words before concluding this very long paper.
Slavery has always existed in these countries, and the number of persons
in that unhappy condition is very large. In former days there is no
doubt great atrocities were committed in regard to this matter, whole
families of hill people being sometimes carried off* openly, sometimes
kidnapped, and sometimes brought under the pressure of famine, an
evil of frequent occurrence among the hills. Even in our days a
regular traffic was carried on in slaves, numbers being annually export-
ed from Kachar to Aracan through the British territories. This was
brought to the notice of the Civil authorities some years ago, and
effectually checked for the future ; but the law still permits domestic

j or local slavery, though it prohibits exportation, and while the hill
people continue to make war on each other, and to sell their children
in times of scarcity, perhaps it is only a wise discretion, which allows

! the existence of this great moral blot on society. But apart from
legislative provisions, there is a course by which the evil might be
gradually eradicated, while prodigious benefit in another shape, would
at the same time be conferred on all the countries in which it exists.
This is the formation of an establishment for the purchase and manu-
mission of slaves, more especially of children, which are often sold at
very low prices. These well brought up, and instructed in the use-

iful arts as husbandmen and artizans, would in a few years become

842 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar^ ^ adjacent districts, [No. 104,

the means of operating a great improvement in the social condition
of the people among whom they would spread, and to whom they
would oiFer the sort of information which is required to elevate them
in the scale of civilization, by the example of superior morality,
intelligence, and well directed industry, which they might be expected
to exhibit.

The number of people in all these districts is on the increase, in a
country where every thing tends to encourage increase, and where
the checks, both positive and moral, are as entirely absent as they
appear to be in China. The census* taken in 1820, shewed the in-
habitants of S34het had more than doubled since 1801, and if little
dependance can be placed on the accuracy of these returns, enough is
known from other sources to warrant the belief of an enormous increase.
The quantity of land brought into cultivation, and the creation of
new estates by the subdivision of the old ones, are among the most un-
questionable proofs of this assertion.

Whatever doubts may be entertained, reasonably or otherwise, of the
advantages resulting to India from the rule of Britain, I cannot omit to
record my humble testimony to its value in this quarter, or to state my
belief that as in no other parts which I have visited, has that rule been
more manifestly exerted for the good of the people, so in no other has
it called forth more unequivocal marks of loyalty, attachment, and
confidence ; and far off may the day be, when these shall abate. In proof
of this, I may notice the behaviour of the people during the invasion
of Kachar in 1824, by the Burmans, when they advanced to the very
frontier of Sylhet without in any way affecting its tranquillity. But in
a more trying emergency, when the British troops were withdrawn for
the protection of Dacca, the people of Sylhet not only remained loyal,
but an offer was actually made by some influential mer^ to raise a levy
en masse with which to oppose the enemy, and a small force was actually
embodied, the men of which, by their local knowledge and endurance
of climate, proved of considerable use. The readiness with which
these took service at such a time, must be laid to the account of some
deeper feeling than ordinary (for their homes were on the very frontier),

* In 1801 number of persons, 492,945. In 1820, number of persons 1,083,720.

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, ^ adjacent districts. 843

and that unquestionably was the dread of the devastation which accom-
panied the Burmese advance ; but if the existing Government had been
unpopular, all would have been at least indifferent at a change of
masters, and some certainly would have intrigued with the enemy.
But nothing of the kind occurred, and I even succeeded in inducing
some who had been released, after falling into the enemy's hands, to
return and act as spies on our behalf, at the risk of every thing
which a Hindu (and these were Brahmuns) values more than life.

On the other hand, many of the inhabitants of Kachar disgusted and
worn out by the oppressions of their native chiefs, did coalesce with the
Burmans, thereby proving that their dread of that sanguinary people
could be overcome by their sense of the intolerable character of the
Government under which they were groaning, and that they had reached
a point in endurance, at which any change appeared for the better.

Memorandum on the Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Khorassan^
and on the produce of Indigo in Sinde. By Lieut. J. Postans, As-
sistant Political Agent, Upper Sinde.

The importation of raw silk from the north-west to Shikarpore
is one of the most important branches of the import trade from
that direction ; the article appears to be of a superior description, and
as I am not aware of its being known in the Bombay market, I have
collected the following particulars to accompany samples.

The following are the descriptions of the raw silk, with the prices
of each in the Shikarpore Bazar, import duty paid (at one rupee six
annas per maund).

No. 1. " Kokanee,' from Bokhara (produced in Toorkistan) price
10* Shikarpore rupees per assar.

No. 2. " Toonee" from Kerat (produced in Toorkistan) 13 Rs. 12
annas per assar.

* Silk raw and in thread, prepared, is weighed at the rate of 90| Shikarpore
rupees, or 1 assar, or 88 Company's rupees last coinage. The Shikarpore rupee at
present is worth 94| Company's per 100 Shikarpore, or b\ per cent in favour of
the former.

844 Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Khorassan, [No. J 04.

No. 3. " Shal bafee,'' from Kerat (produced in Toorkistan) 15 Rs. 10
annas per assar.
„ 4. ** Natvabee/' from Bokhara, do. 14 Rs. 12 annas per assar.
„ 5. " Gheelanee" from Kermare and Fezed, do. 9 Rs. per assar.
„ 6. " Kaloocheer" from Kerat do. 9 Rs. per assar.
The value of annual imports may be about 50,000 rupees, and
the route is through the great pass of the Bolan; the traders are
principally Affghauns, who visit Shikarpore with the annual KaffiUas
from October to March, though much of the article is purchased by
the Hindoo agents of the Shikarpore sowcars, who are to be found
in all the important cities and marts of the north-west, (see Sir
A. Burnes' report on the trade of Shikarpore.)

Nos. 1, 2, 5, 6 of the raw silks above enumerated, are prepared
for weaving, and dyed at Shikarpore. The Shal bafee and Nawabee^
Nos. 3 and 4, are manufactured at Roree, on the opposite bank of
the Indus, into a silk fabric, known as " Duryaee^^ value at Roree, 7
annas per guz. The silk thread prepared at Shikarpore, and here-
after enumerated, principally finds a market at Khyrpore, Sukkur,
Roree, Larkhana, Gundava, Bagh in Cutchee, and towards Lower
Scindh, as far as Sehwan and Tattah, where it is manufactured into
" Loonghis^^ of various descriptions, " Gul-budduns" and other fabrics
used in the country. The raw material, or prepared thread, does not
appear to enter into the export trade of Shikarpore, with the marts of
the neighbouring countries.

List of prepared silk threads from the raw *' Kokanee."
No. L ^*Pestakee" yellow, Gooljuleel, (Mettilat) dye, price 20
Rs. per assar.
„ 2. " Chumunee" light green, mixture of Indigo with the

above ; 20 Rs. per do.
„ 3. " Subzy' dark green do do. do., 20 Rs. per do.
„ 4. " Soormar" Indigo do. 20. Rs. per do.
„ 5. " Koombar,'^ orange, Koomba (safflower) dye do. 28 Rs.

per do.
„ 6. " Tillar" deep yellow (light gold) Koombeera ? dye do. 1 6 do.
,, 7. ^^ KoormiSi^ cochineal dye, crimson, do. 21 Rs. 12 annas

per do.
„ 8. " Vcho'' white, undyed do. 20 Rs. do.

1840.] Silk Trade between Shikarpoi^e and Khorassan, 845

List of prepared thread from the raw " Toonee^\

1. Pistakee, 1 Same dyes

2. Chumunee, i used as the

3. Subz, [> above, price

4. Ashmanee (light blue Indigo) 24 Rs. per

5. Achoo, J assar.

6. Three shades of cochineal, Rs. 26-12 per seer.

The raw silks " Gheilanee' and " Kuloochur^^ are not in any general
use, " Kokanee'^ and " Toonee^' being the principal importations, and
the most in use.

The expense of transmitting goods from Shikarpore to the sea,
by water carriage, may be easily ascertained, as certain rates have
been established by the British Government ^or freight by packet
boats ; thus, from Sukkur to Kurrachee Buncher, one Company's rupee
per maund dead weight, or one rupee per cubic foot for light goods.
The expense of transport from Shikarpore to Sukkur by the Scindh
Canal, is \ rupee per maund, or 2 Rs. per camel, carrying 5 maunds ;
the export town duties to be paid at Shikarpore. Export duties again

at Kurrachee on raw silk would be thus

1st. Duties on purchasing in the bazar, and clearing the town
of Shikarpore, as far as the Scindh Canal — Shikarpore ru-
pees 16: 4: 0 per maund.
2nd. Export duty at Kurrachee about 5 Rs. per cent.
A calculation from the above may be pretty accurately formed of
the price at which the article would come into the Bombay market ;
and as it will hereafter be to the interests of the native govern-
ments to modify many of the imports which may at present be consi-
dered vexatious and offensive upon trade, silk and other commodities
from the north-west may, with the advantage of water carriage from
Shikarpore to the presidency, enter considerably into the market of
Bombay by the route of the Indus.

846

Memorandum on Indigo.

The important article of Indigo, for the production of which the
Punjaub and countries bordering the Indus would appear to possess
equal advantages with Bengal and the Delta of the Ganges, cannot fail
to attract considerable attention, in connection with the trade of the
former river, and will in all probability enter considerably into the
return commodities to be looked for from those countries. The follow-
ing is the amount of last year's crops for the Punjaub, Bhawulpore,
and Khyrpore territories, with the present prices, on the spot, of the
different descriptions.
In the Punjaub estimated quantity 17,700 maunds ; thus produced —

Districts.

1 Dera Ghazee Khan Mds. 3,000

2 Sooltan and Gungera „ 3,000

3 GuUioon, Jetepore, Noorshera, and Soon wall, „ 3,500

4 Canals of Sirdarwar and Bahwalwar „ 1,200

5 Mooltan and its districts „ 5,000

6 Soonadur Mahamad Kot Luwah Bulthur. ... „ 2,000

In the Bhawulpore territories, 4,000

Districts.

1 Khanpore ,» 3,000

2 Ahmedpore. ... „ 1,000

In the Khyrpore territories, 2,000

Districts.

1 Meer Mobarick. „ 600

2 Meer Rustam. „ 300

3 Meer Alii Morad ... „ 900

4 Various places towards Hyderabad- „ 200

The total may thus be estimated at about 24,000, of which three-
fourths find a market in Khorassan, the remainder divided between
the home consumption and exports to Muscat and Bombay.

1

1840.]

Memorandum on Indigo.

847

The following is a list of prices at the several places where the
article is grown (duties unpaid) at Dera Ghazee Khan, a mixture
of five descriptions of Indigo, known as
Punjmal,

fNo.

2

^ 1 „

3

3 1

•li ->

4

I „

5 (best quality)

^ "

6

6

(■I

wulpo

1

2

cfl

-a

W

.f:

1

2

!<! .

3

J^ 1

4

5

Rs.

45 per

maund.

50

52

55

60

54

56

58

57

58

60

55

60*

Not having had the opportunity of inspecting the methods of culti-
vating and preparing the dye in these countries, I cannot offer any re-
marks or suggestions on their improvement, but there can be no doubt
that there is plenty of room for the introduction of a superior system, as
employed by the European growers of Bengal. One is evident, in the
necessity of packing it in squares, and not in the present small pieces,
whereby much waste appears to be occasioned.

The duties and expenses on the purchase and transmission of In-
digo by the river Indus to Bombay may be thus estimated —

1st. In the Punjaub, a duty on the purchase and clearing, of Rs. 4
per maund.

2nd. In the Bhawulpore territories the duty amounts to f Rs. 3:8:0

* The maund differs according to the country. Indigo in the Shikarpore market is
weighed by the maund of 40 assars, each assar being equal to Shikarpore Rs. 83, or
Company's Rupees 79 in weight.

t One-fourth of all Indigo purchased in the territories of Bhawulkhan, is from the Go-
vernment share of produce, on which a duty of 10 Rs. per maund is levied, whilst the
other three-fourths pay at the rate of 1 Rupee 8 annas per maund, making an aver-
age of about 3| Rupees for the whole, (ex-gra; — Thus, of 20 maunds purchased, 5
would pay Rs. 50, and the remainder 22 : 8 : 0, or about 3| Rs. for the whole.)

5p

848 Memorandum on Indigo. [No. 104.

3rd. In the Khyrpore territories the duty amouuts to R. 1 : 2, per md.

4th. Independent of the above, the transit duties are thus —
In the Punjaub, at Mittun Kote, Rs. 46 : 4, per boat load.
In the Bhawulpore territories, Rs. 30 ditto

In the Khyrpore territories none. All transit duties on the river
through the Hyderabad and Khyrpore territories are cancelled under
a " Rahdaree Purwannah" from the British authorities.

The expenses of water carriage to Bombay is calculated by the dea-
lers at about two Rupees per maund from Mooltan, and as the duties
levied at the former place are known, an estimate may be formed
of the price at which Indigo from the countries bordering on the Indus
may be brought into the Bombay market. In Shikarpore this article
does not enter largely into the trade, ihe consumption being only
about 100 maunds annually ; it passes through Shikarpore, however,
in transit to Khorassan by the route of the Bolan pass, but the greater
quantity before alluded to, finds its way to Cabul, Bokhara, &c. by the
route of the Khybur, or the Daman pass ; the latter through the
agency of the Lohana traders and their Kaffillas.

On the Historical Geography of Hindustan, and the origin of the Social State
among the Hindus. By J as. Bird, Esq.

The state of India previous to the Mohammedan invasion, is a subject of
perplexity ; as the interested and fabulous narratives of sectaries present
but a few isolated facts to guide us in forming an opinion of the original
system of Hinduism, civil and religious.

Many, in conducting this investigation, have been more zealous in sup-
porting the antiquity of the present Hindu social state, than in searching
after historical truth; and, while unable to explain why the Sanscrit
language enters so extensively into the provincial dialects, without grant-
ing that it was the primitive tongue, they have contended for the pre-
valent and unchangeable existence of Brahminical institutions.

In doing so they have overlooked the reasonable conclusion which,
sanctioned by the well known revolutions of the world, admits the gradual
advancement of Hinduism to its present perfection, and that it was a
religion of proselytism little more than nine centuries ago. The known
geographical distribution of tribes and nations tends to establish the just-

1840.] Historical Geography of Hindustan, ^c. 849

ness of such an opinion; and the internal evidence of the Sanscrit authori-
ties gives it additional confirmation.*

To suppose that the timid natives of India, who have been subdued by
different conquerors, were not, in the early ages of Christianity, a prey to
those northern barbarians who successively deluged Europe, seems so at
variance with the events of history, that, but for some men's partiality to
the antiquity of the present Hindu social state, this opinion could have
never gained belief t The Brahmans and their language v/ere prior to the
aera of Alexander's historians, but without the extensive dominion in India
that they now enjoy. The far spread remains of the Buddhaist religion,
and its sectaries called Jaina,t to be yet seen in the caves, temples, and
monuments that extend from the neighbourhood of Balkh Bamian, on the
N. W., to Mahabatipure, on the S. E., indicate the sovereignty of a faith in
these parts, which was prior to the now prevailing Brahminical hierarchy. §

The inferences also to be drawn from the fact, that many tribes called
Melchchasll in the institutes of Menu and the- Puranas, are now within
the pale of the orthodox creed, would further establish a progressive

* See Mr. H. Wilson's late account of the religious sects of the Hindus, and of
those Samas, who, as worshippers of the sun, which they esteemed as the creator and
cause of the world, were among the opponents of the famous Saiva reformer, Sankara
Acharya, who flourished some time between the beginning of the 9th and end of the
10th century (A. R. vol. xvi. p. 15)

t Cosmas Indicopleustes, who visited India between a. d. 535 and 547, mentions a
nation whiter than the rest, called the Hunni, who held sway over the west of India,
and exacted large tributes from the surrounding states. (Murray's Asia, ii. p. 78.)

X These form a class of dissenters from the established, or orthodox system of
Brahminism, which is now common to Hindustan. They admit of caste ; will not allow
the Vedas to be of Divine origin; do not, like the Brahmans, acknowledge any
spiritual and eternal being from whom the universe derived its origin, but look on the
material world with the human soul as self-existant and eternal, and have for
their chief objects of worship, men, who, as saints, have raised themselves to the rank
of divinities. Most of their theological opinions are similar to those of the Buddhaists
and Sogatas, who do not admit of caste like the Jainas, but both worship, as subordi-
nate deities, the Pantheon of the orthodox Hindus.

§ The cave temples of Buddhaist origin are by far more numerous on the N. W.
of India than have been yet enumerated. In addition to the well known ones of
Kanari, Elephanta, Karli, Ellora, and Ajainta, there are many more in the Dekhan and
Konkan, such as those at Nasik, Junir, Aurungabad, Karrar, Mahar, &c. ; in Malwa,
and Rajputana, we find those of Bagh, and Gawalior; and I have heard of others
in the Madras territories.

II A general appellation for the unclean tribes that are not within the piale of the
Hindu religion ; and who are usually styled degraded Kshetryas. This would seem to
imply that they did not conform to the Brahminical rites when others of the same
original stock did. The different divisions of them are to be found enumerated in
Wilson's Sanscrit Dictionary. Some of those identified are the Odros, Urias, or
people of Orissa; the Draviras, or people of Madura and Tanjore, on the Coromandel
Coast, who are now orthodox Hindus.

850 Historical Geography of Hindustan, ^c. [No. 104.

change of opinion, and the gradual conversion of the aborigines of India to
the present established system of religion.*

Inasmuch, moreover, as the obscure subject of a nation's origin can
admit of proof, when facts have been mistified through religious imposture,
or the most recent annals perverted by fable, it may be reasonably
contended for, that in the age of Herodotus, the Brahmans of India, the
people of Persia, and those at the sources of the river Hydaspes, Sind, and
Oxus, followed nearly the same faith, and were not dissimilar in manners.

It would appear that the religion they followed was the Sabean, or that
which enjoining a respect for the host of heaven, as the noblest symbol
of a deity, constituted the primitive idolatry of mankind.! It derived
its name from the Sabeans, an ancient people of Arabia, J and was pro-

* Some of the Puranas are of very little antiquity, as would appear from the text
of the Padma Purana, which makes mention of Ramanuja, the celebrated Vishnava
reformer, who flourished in the middle of the 12th century, and was cotemporary with
Vishnu Verddhana, the fourth Belal Raja of DevarasamudraCsee A. R. xvi. p. 28.)
From what the Bakhta Mala, (A. R. xvi. p. 43,) asserts of the sectaries from
Ramanuja, called Ramanandis, according to whose tenets the distinction of caste was
inadmissible, we may safely infer that formerly a member of any tribe who as-
sumed the garb of a mendicant, and devoted himself to penance, would have gained
admission to the Hindu community. If we may credit the narration of Sadi, as given
at the end of his Bustan, he was permitted, as a mendicant, to perform Hindu
rites at the temple of Somnat. This happened in the 13th century ; and though he
calls the Brahmans Moghs, or fire-worsfiippers, it is scarcely possible that one, so
generally well informed as is Sadi, could have done so in ignorance, or without
having observed some connecting link of similarity.

t In reference to this subject I cannot forbear quoting an opinion of Mr. Prinsep,
expressed in his Journal for September 1834, the justness of which appears supported by
the evidence of inscriptions in Western India, and of the coins which the late Secretary
of the Asiatic Society so ingeniously and successfully illustrated. " It is not surprising,"
says he, " that on the Indian side of the Persian monarch's dominions, in a part proba-
bly under his influence, if not directly under his sway, we should find the fire-altar, or
the image of the sun, replaced by Krishna among the Hindus, or Buddha among the
Buddhaists; bothof them personating the sun in their respective mythologies."

Whatever forms of the Hindu religion were prevalent at the time, the adoption of
the sun as the ostensible representation of Divine power, either in accordance with the
commands of the ruling prince, or from a natural tendency towards an union of the
Brahminical and Magian faith, could not present many difficulties. " We must not be
surprised," says Sir William Jones, " at finding that the characters of all the Pagan
deities, male and female, melt into each other, and at last into one or two; for it seems
a well-founded opinion, that the whole crowd of gods and goddesses in ancient Rome
and modern Varanes (Benares), mean only the powers of nature, and principally those
of the sun, expressed in a variety of ways, and by a multitude of fanciful names."

X The origin of the name is not clearly ascertained, but has been traced by some
etymologists to the Arabic word Sabaa, signifying arising star. The word ^ **ilgr?l<iO
sahihat in that language is also made to signify stars, planets, and angels ; but I
can assert nothing positive regarding the word Sabean.

1840.] Historical Geography of Hindustan^ ^c, 851

fessed, in common with them, by the Persians, previous to the reformation
of their religion by Zertusht, or Zoroaster, who introduced the worship of
fire. The esoteric system of Sabeism was, apparently a pure theism,
whilst its exoteric rites led to a stupid idolatry among the lower orders
of the people.* In this respect it observed a distinction that prevails even
in the Vedas, which have their Karma Kanda, and Guyana Kanda, a
ritual and theology ;t and would go far to establish an opinion, which has
been entertained by many, that there is an identity in the astronomy
and mythology of the ancient Arabs, Egyptians, and Hindus. Ferishta
indeed teUs us, that when Mohammed Kasim, the general of the Khalif
Walid, invaded Sind, a. d. 711, the Hindu pilgrims resorted to Mekka
and Egypt, for the purpose of paying adoration to the idols there,
which they looked to with the utmost veneration ;t and there is much to
make us believe that such an intercourse existed prior to the mission
of the Prophet Mohammed.

The Persians had, at a very early period, adopted the worship of the
sun, fire, and other elements ;§ the Scythian Massagetae appear to have
professed a similar faith, |i and Mr. Colebrooke has admitted, "that the
earliest Indian sect, of which we have any distinct knowledge, is that
of the followers of the practical Vedas, who worshipped the sun, fire, and
other elements. "II

Such are the data for concluding that about five centuries before our aera
the inhabitants of these countries were connected in religion, and could not
have widely differed in their habits, when, as Herodotus tells us, the
inhabitants of Casapatyrus,** or Kashmir, most resembled the Bactrians in
their manners.

The Brahmans consider Kashmir as their original country, and tradition-
ally relate they were led from thence into the plains of Hindustan by their
leader Kasyapa,tt whose character is well known to the Brahminical and
Buddhaist mythology.

* See Sir Wm. Jones's discourse on the Arabs, A. R. ii. p. 9.

t Wilson on the Hindu Sects. A. R. xvi. p. ii.

X Brigg's Translation of Ferishta; vol. iv. p. 402.

§ Herodotus in Cho. p. 131, and Erskine on the Sacred Books of the Parsees, Bom-
bay Transactions, vol. ii. p. 3U61.

II Herodotus, p. '215.

II A. R. vol. ix.p. 273.

** It was so called among the Greeks, having been colonized by the followers of the
sage Kasyapa, whose name in ordinary pronunciation, becomes Kashap, See A. R.
vol. XV. p. 117.

ft He is the sixth terrestial Buddha among the Nepalese, and the predecessor of
Gautama. The same enumeration of Buddhas as known in Nepal, is made by Mr.
Colebrooke, in his account of the Jains. A. R. vol. ix. p. 3U3. Quarto.

852 Historical Geography of Hindustan, ^c. [No. 104.

His name continued to distinguish a numerous tribe of the former, previ-
ous to the comparatively modern divisions of five Gaurs and five Dravers ;
or the yet more recent distinctions that obtain among them in different
provinces of India. This general idea of their northern origin, which pre-
vails among the better informed of the Brahminical sect, would appear in
all respects worthy of belief; since there is evidence of such an event to
be found in the traces of people belonging to the Hindu stock, migrating
to the south. These are manifest in the names of countries enumerated
by Sanscrit geographical works, that were originally affixed to stations
north and south of the Himala mountains, and became applicable, in the
course of time, to places in the south of India. Such was evidently the
course by which the northern countries of Madra and Pandiya* transferred
their names to the provinces of Madura and Marwar, on the Coromandel
Coast; and by which Virata, f a part of the kingdom of Trigerta, or Lahore,
came to be considered one of the seven Konkanas situated in the south.

It is unnecessary to inquire whether they, who carried these names
southward, were of the purely Brahminical or Buddhaist faith ; for it may
be truly asserted, that both religions in their origin were connected, and
that the greater antiquity is in favour of the Brahmans, or the orthodox
followers of the Vedas. Such would appear to be the import of the pas-
sage, quoted from the institutes of Menu by Sir William Jones, that,
" Many families of the military class having gradually abandoned the
" ordinances of the Vedas, and the company of the Brahmans, lived in a
''state of degradation; as the people of Paudraca and Odra, those of
" Dravira and Camboja, the Yavanas and Sacas, the Paradas andPahlavas,
"the Chinas, and some other nations." From this we learn, that a great
revolution, both in religion and in government, was effected about this
time ; and that these nations conforming no longer to the Sabean idolatry,
which had been common to the east, adopted an altered system of religious

* The southern provinces of Madra or Madru and Pandiya are particularly men-
tioned in a grant of land (A. R. vol. ix. p. 428,) made during the time of Bokshamalla
Raja, by the minister ^afia^a^a, a descendant from Kasyapa. In the Hindu geogra-
phical work, called the Skapte Samhheda, and quoted by Mr. Ward (vol. iv. p.
456,) they are placed more to the north, and were originally the same as the Pundda
Regia of the ancients, now identified with Sogdiana, or the valley of Samarkand.
The date of the grant is Salivahana eera 1095, a. d. 1173.

t Some account of Virata, as one of the Konkans, will be found in Mr. Wilson*s
account of the Mackenzie Collection (p. xcix,) and in Grant Duff's enumeration of
the same, (Hist, of the Marahtas, vol. i. p. 4) ; it appears under the corrupted name of
Marwar, extending from Bancote to Bassein, inclusive of Bombay. The Marahta
traditions relate that Virat Rat, who was the Rajah of Wai, near Satara, accompanied
the Pandus to the battle of Kuruket; which though doubtful as a fact, evinces that he
received his title from the country of Virata, a political division of India, that was
originally more to the north than Wai.

1840.] Historical Geography of Hindustan , ^c. 853

belief. This consisted, as would appear, in the worship of Mahat, or
intellect made manifest, as Gautama Buddha, with the introduction of an
atheistical philosophy, which reasoning from material objects to the exis-
tence of spirit, confounded the shadow with the reality, and denied the
existence of whatever was not cognizable by the senses. Some such
difference in opinion brought about the Mahabarat, or great war in which
the Pandus, with Krishna,* espoused the cause of the innovators, while
Dritarashtra Raja and the Kurus held to the original faith. About this
time, also, Viyasa collected and arranged the Vedas, which consisted ori-
ginally of the prayers and hymns, or their SanUta, that preceded, in Mr.
Colebrooke's opinion, the Bramhana, or theological part.

The division of the people into four castes followed, if it was not co-
temporary with these innovations, and was effected about the period of
the Macedonian conquest, if as we may infer from the respectful men-
tion of the Yavana, or Greek power, in the Mahabharat, the composition
of this poem dates posterior to the Macedonian conquest of India, t Some
hold an opinion that the institution of caste, with its extravagant preten-
sions to antiquity, had been matured in Hindustan Proper long prior
to the time of Alexander's historians. Those entertaining this belief have
pretended to discover that the enumeration of classes made by Arrian
is the exact counterpart of divisions now acknowledged by the Hindus.
The probability of this cannot be granted without great latitude, and the
seven classes of employment into which the Hindus were then distributed,
as detailed by that writer, cannot be admitted to be identical with the now
existing divisions of this people, into Brahmans, Kshetriyas, Vaisiyas, and
Shudras. The former would have been found among the Egyptians, and
were as characteristic of them as of the Hindus ; whilst the other arrange-
ment was effected, in all probability, about the time when the Sanscrit
writers composed the earliest poetical works of the latter. If the Maha-
bharat, or poem of the great war, was composed soon after the Greek
conquest, the reformation of orthodox Brahmanism would be placed not
long before the Christian aera.J The Mahabharat may be then admitted

* Krishna's existence, as a real historical personage among the Hindus, is more than
doubtful. He every where appears as the hero of fable, and whatever is believed
regarding him, belongs to one whom the Hindus had heard of rather than known as a
leader among themselves.

t See note v. on the history of Kashmir, A. R. vol. xv. p. 102.

X The Arab historian and geographer, Al-Masudi, who wrote a. d. 949, tells us that
schism in the Hindu religion happened during the reign of Korish; and if his chrono-
logy for this event can be trusted, the origin of the Indian sectaries will be fixed at the
commencement of our sera. Three hundred and twenty years elapsed, it is said, from
the death of Phur (the Porus of Alexander's historians) to that of Korish ; and if this
be correct, the quarrel between the Buddhas and Brahmans happened b. c. 7.

854 Historical Geography of Hindustan^ ^c. [No. 104.

to contain historical materials of some value; and accounts of recent
events, greatly exaggerated by allegorical references to ages long past,
and to mysteries in religion, that were little remembered, or imperfectly
understood. Such is, I think, the correct supposition, and from thence we
may trace, as among other nations, the origin of fable, and the genealogy
of their gods.

The Brahmans did not long follow the astronomical religion of the Vedas
without speculating on the divine nature, and that of celestial spirits.
They personified the elements and the planets as the types of that unap-
proachable God whom they worshipped ; and as Mr. Colebrooke says,
" peopled heaven and the world below with various orders of beings."
Their wonder at contemplating the infinite glory of the heavens, made
them vent their sentiments in allegory. Their allegories, leading them
astray from the great First Cause, gave rise to varied existences of the divini-
ty, and these yet farther distracting their attention from the unity of God's
nature, led to a system of meditation and mysticism, in regard to spirit, of
which the promised benefit was to obtain liberation from this life, and union
with the great Eternal Cause. This, which was common to the East, existed
alike among the ancient Arabs and the Hindus ; and though some are
inclined to believe that the Sufyism of the Mohammedans derived its
origin from the Yoga, or abstraction of the latter, yet we may trace it to a
more remote system oi Deism, the Kaballa of the Jews.*

A few extracts from the Sanscrit authorities, will shew us that this
view of a very obscure subject is strictly deducible from the order of opini-
ons as there made apparent. The prayer of the Veda, called Gayatri, con-
cludes with these words — " Let us meditate on the Divine Ruler, (Savi-
tri ;) may it guide our intellects. Desirous of food, we solicit the gift of
the splendid sun, (Savitri) who should be studiously worshipped. Vener-
able men, guided by the understanding, salute the divine sun, (Savitri) with
oblations and praise, "t This bears evident traces of Sabeism; which are

* According to Selden, the Kaballa of the Jews was a belief in the doctrines of the
traditional law, held in almost equal reverence with the written one. It treated of
divine things, of the more abstruse parts of their faith, of angels, and various symbols.
The appellation Kabala, H/^p- iw Hebrew, bears nearly the same interpretation
as Kiblah tx3" i"^ Arabic, signifying any thing that is before one, or the altar ; and
the Jews, by meditating on this, promised themselves a superior knowledge of celestial
existences. The doctrines of this worship, combined with natural magic, became the
foundation of what is believed by the Sufis, or followers of the truth. The authors of
the middle ages, and the modern Greeks, who enumerate the different tribes situated
west of the Indus, speak of those called Hakak, or those adoring the truth. These
were free, and worshipped the sun and stars, as did the ancient Arabs. See dissertation
on the travels of two Mohammedans, p. 176.

t Ward on the Hindus, vol. iv. p. 93.

1840.] Historical Geography of Hindustan, &^c. 855

yet more distinctly marked in the hymn from the Sama Veda ; where Brah-
ma is characterized as the light of the moon, of the sun, of the fire, of
the lightning, and all that shines.*

It may be well doubted if such a thing as Sabeism ever existed, without
being mingled with that species of idolatry called Pantheism ; and w^hich
teaches that the divine nature, penetrating every thing, makes itself
known by its operations. Such, indeed, is the Sabeism of the Vedas ;
where the Supreme Being, in his works of creation, preservation, and de-
struction, is celebrated under the names of Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva.

The founders of this system, reasoning on the nature of the deity,
and the world's physical energies, disseminated their hypothesis on the
origin of the universe ; and thus founded the six philosophical schools,
or Darshanas of the Hindus, that were, certainly in existence prior to the
composition of the Mahahharat, Their names are the Voishesika, the
Niyaya, the Mimansa, the Sdnkhya, the Patangala, and the Vedanta, This
last, which is the school of Viyasa, who compiled the Vedas, is generally
considered to be the most recent in its origin; but was, I think, the
first in natural order and in practice ; being a commentary on the theology
of these books, written to support their somewhat ambiguous theism
against the attacks of the Sankhya School, which had advocated Material-
ism. Its doctrines, which incline to pure Idealism, maintain that spirit is
all in all, made manifest through its union with allusion, or gross
matter; and by supposing that the Supreme Being is disguised in many
forms, divine, human and animal, they introduce what has been called
Theomorphism. This blended with Sabeism and Pantheism forms the
systematic Polytheism of the Brahmans.

The Sankhya, which appears connected with the religion of the younger
Buddha, or Gautama, is atheistical, and inculcates Materialism. It declares
that Mahat is the principle which is named the reasoning faculty,
and springs from matter ; and that its synonyms are Vishnu, the all-per-
vading ; and Buddhi, the understanding. It is hostile to the Veda and the
Smritis, or law books ; asserting, " that he, who in the body has obtained
emancipation, is of no caste, of no sect, of no order, attends to no duties,
adheres to no Shasters, to no formulas, and to no works of merit. "f

Opinions such as these were adopted by the followers of Buddha ; who
soon became so numerous and powerful as to be more than a match for
those who adhered to the ancient religion. The two hostile sects of Bud-
dha and Brahma were evidently cognate, and of contemporary origin :

* Ward on the Hindus, vol. iv. p. 82.

t See Ward's Translation of the Sankhya Sara, vol. iv.

5q

856 Historical Geography of Hindustan, ^c. [No. 104.

thougli the latter, as adherents of the Vedas, and the Sabean idolatry, truly
lay claim to superior antiquity.

Sabeism was, as we Have endeavoured to shew, the original religion
of the people east and west of the river Indus ; and was followed by a
modification of its original tenets, now known as the faiths of Buddha and
Brahma. The people who believed the last, occupied the banks of the
Ganges and Hindustan Proper; those who professed the other, were on
either bank of the Indus, and in the south of India. The two rival sects
appear to have existed in amity with each other, until the Brahmans,
having introduced caste, and endeavoured to exalt themselves above their
opponents, brought on the Mahabarat, or great war, that happened
posterior to the time of Alexander the Great's expedition to India. In
modifying the Sabeism of the Vedas, they introduced the monstrous fables
of the Puranas, with the deification of abstract properties, under the name
of gods. In doing this they addressed the ignorant spirit of the people,
whose seers and astrologers they were; and, having artfully incorporated
the opinions of existing sects with their own, claimed for their religion
unchanging uniformity, though this faith, made up of all systems, is so
heterogeneous, as to be incapable of an analysis that would resolve it
into its separate sources.

The origin of the Buddhaist system can be traced back five centuries
before the Christian sera, but its followers were for long after limited in
number and power. Though there be nothing but conjecture, on which
we may found an opinion, whether Balkh and Benian, or the districts
eastward of the Indus were the countries of its nativity, we possess internal
evidence, in the religions of Zertusht and Buddha, that they were for some
time connected, and the aflinity existing between the Zend and Sanscrit
languages, would further warrant us to conclude, with Sir William Jones,*
" that a powerful monarchy was established in Persia, and that it was,
in truth, a Hindu monarchy," when Sabeism was the religion of both
countries. This monarchy, or the Mahabadian empire of Persia, is cele-
brated among the Buddhaists of Ceylon, as we learn from the report of the
Colombo Bible Society, for 1816 ; and the fact of the same being known in
the tradition of the Buddhas, evinces that these seceders from Sabeism,
who spread themselves over the south of India, existed in intimate con-
nection with the followers of Zertusht. The coins and relics lately dis-
covered in the sepulchral monuments, that exist in the Punjab and the
vicinity of Cabul, bear evidence to the correctness of this opinion ; and the
narratives of the Arab historians lead us to infer, that the fire-temple, in

* See his Discourse on the Persians, A. R. vol. ii.

1840.] Historical Geography of Hindustan, ^c. 857

India, dedicated to Helios, or the sun, and which was permitted to escape
destruction, on three times the value of its precious things having been
given to the Mohamedan conqueror Hijaj-bin Yusuf, was no other than the
Buddhaist temple of Multan, called " the happy house of gold."

J^jJ ^644 ^^® communication, between India and Persia, which had
existed from the earliest times, was not interrupted till the twenty-
third year of the Hijira when the followers of Mohammed, having sub-
dued the province of Khorasan, and countries west of the Indus, be-
came masters of the pastoral tribes in that quarter.* The intercourse of
the Hindus with the aborigines on the north of India, was not finally

A. D. 675. closed until thirty years after, when the Tartars of the north-west
were forced to submit their necks to the yoke of Islam. The subsequent
wars and aggressions of the Mohammedans, to the north-east, drove these
nomades to the south, some of whom having conformed to the institution
of caste, and other gods of the Brahminical Panthaeon, gave rise to a
modification of their then Buddhaist tenets, which is now known under the
name of the Jaina religion. This had its origin, as would appear, when
the rival sects of Buddha and Siva were striving for superiority in Hin-
dustan ; and arose from a union of the two systems endeavouring to
reconcile the more objectionable parts of the Buddhaist faith to the received
opinions of the orthodox Hindus. Brahmans, however, formed part of both
religions, and the inhabitants of the island of Bali distinguished them, in
the twelfth century, as the sects of Buddha and Siva.f The great influx

A. D. 1166. towards the Dekhan and country south of the Narhada of those
professing the latter faith, about this time, will account for the migration of
the Buddhaists, or the Jaina sectaries of this faith, into the islands of the
Indian ocean.

A Brahmanical invasion, from the north, is traditionally ascribed to a
prince named Mayura VermajJ who was the founder of the Kadumba, or
Karamma race of Rajputs. By the most consistent account he is placed
in the ninth century ; but flourished, probably somewhat later. The
greatest influx of Rajputs to the Dekhan happened, however, from the
beginning of the tenth to the end of the twelfth century, caused by
the conquest of Mahmud of Guzna, and his successors.

The Jainas assert, that " in the time of Bijjala Raya, who ruled with
renown in the city of Kalayana,§ the Dakshen of Hindustan was conquered

* Price's Mahomedan Annals, vol. i, p. 138.

t Crawford on the people of Bali ; A. R. vol . xiv.

X See Mayura Verma Cheritra in the Catalogue of the McKenzie collection vol. ii.
p. 95.

§ It is generally called Kalyan, or Kayani ; and lies about fifty miles north of
Kulberga, in the Dekhan.

858 Historical Geography of Hindustan^ &^c. [No. 104.

by the Sadapramans,"* or followers of the Vedas : and this tradition is
attested by the sculpture in the caves of EUora, where the union of the
Buddhaist and Brahminical faiths declares them to be the works of the
Jainas, or some similar sect, labouring to accommodate a belief and reliance
on mortals of transcendent virtue to the worship of the gods that are
chiefly esteemed in the Hindu Pantheon. The Brahmans who have visited
the caves of Ellora and Ajunta, deny the possibility that any part of the
sculptures could have been executed by the orthodox sect.f

These Buddhaist sectaries on having changed their original faith, were
designated by the name of Rajputs ; and executed the magnificent temples
of Abu, and other such stupendous works, on the banks of the Indus.
They have preserved no record of their origin excepting traditions ; which
their bard Chandra embodied in his work, the Prithvi Raya Biyasa. Prithvi
Raya, or Pithora, who is the hero of the tale, became, from his connexion
with the first Mohammedan conquerors, the subject of real history ; and the
poem, which celebrates his exploit, can claim no higher antiquity than
A. D. 1192; when this Lord Protector of the feudal barons of India, as
mentioned in my introduction to the Mirat Ahmedi, fell at the battle of
Tanessar.

* See account of the Jainas, A. R. ix. p. 247.

f Mr. Erskine's lucid observations on the Caves of the Dekhan, have shed much light
on a very obscure subject ; but I cannot agree with the learned gentleman in thinking
that any of them weve ever executed by Brahmans, except in connexion with the fol-
lowers of Buddha, whose guides they were in introducing Jaina innovations.

Note. — The paper now communicated, was read at a meeting of the Bombay Branch
of the Royal Asiatic Society, so early as December 1835, but withdrawn, before the
brilliant discoveries of the late Mr. Prinsep had given currency to facts, that bear out -
generally the truth of opinions here maintained. The explanation of the several
series of coins found in the north-west of India, the interpretation of the Lath and
Cave Inscriptions, and the translation of the Mahawanso by Mr. Tumour, with other
collateral coincidence, have strengthened the writer's conviction of the justness of
opinions then formed. They have been kept unpublished, as some orientalists, whose
acquirements the writer respects were opposed to them ; though these had only been
accustomed to view the Hindu social state through the glass of Brahmanical representa-
tion, and distorted Sanscrit evidence. The president, however, in thanking Dr. Bird
for his paper, which had been listened to with much interest, observed, " that while he
was prepared to dispute some of its important positions, it was but fair that it should
be laid before the learned world, for candid criticism, in the state in which it had been
communicated to the Society."

859

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.
(Wednesday Evening, 4th November, 1840. J
Col. J. A. Hodgson in the Chaii*.

Library and Museum,

The following books, &c. were presented : —

Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia — Treatise on Malacology, 1

Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science, 3rd Series, Vol. 16th, No, 101,

and 105, February and June, 1840 2

Proceedings of the Geological Society of London, Vol. 3rd, No. 67, 1840. . . J.
Oriental Christian Spectator, 2nd Series, Vol. 1st, No. 9, September 1840, . . 1

List of Works relating to India, published by W. H. Allen and Co 1

History of British Birds, by W. Yarrel, London, Parts 14 and 15 ; Septem-
ber and November, 1840 2

Chinese Repository, Vol. 8th, No. 9, January, 1840, 1

Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British and Foreign India, China,

and Australasia, February, 1840, Vol. 31st, No. 122. New Series, 8vo. . . \
Transactions of the Society for the Encouragement of Arts, &c. 1839, Vol.

52nd, Pt. 2nd, 8vo 1

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, London,

1840, No. 11, 8vo I

Annals of Natural History, or Magazine of Zoology, Botany, and Geology,

by Jardine and Selby, London, July, 1840, No. 32, 8vo 1

Annales des Sciences Naturelles, Zoologie, et pour Botanique, par Audowine

et Edwards ; Tome 12th, Paris, AoM 1839, 2nd Series, 2

Column at Corygaum, to the memory of Captain Staunton, 1821, 1

Sketch to ditto, Madras 1818, I

The Officiating Secretary submitted to the inspection of the meeting, an old Chinese

Coin presented by W. E. Stirling, Esq. with the following memorandum—

" This is an old Chinese Coin. It was stated to have been coined before the Tartar
Dynasty occupied China. It is presented through me by Captain Alcock, who obtain-
ed it at Macao. The twelve animals which surround the inner circle and inscription,
probably represent the signs of the Zodiac, but not in such distinct characters as to
be free from doubt. The Chinese characters of the inner inscription can probably be
read by those versed in that language. The obverse side represents two Dragons.
I am sorry I cannot offer any particular observations, but trust that this coin will be
esteemed a rarity of no small interest."

Read a letter from Lieut. A. Cunningham, from which the following is an
extract—

" I have had a long letter from Lady Sale, and she promises me impressions of all
curious coins that she may meet with. Sir Robert had been opening a Tope, but

860 Asiatic Society, [No. 104.

was disturbed by Dost Mahomed, Poor Edward Conollv too, had commenced
work upon the great Khybar Tope, which is said to be the most magnificent in India, by
those who never went two miles out of their road to see the great Benares Tope,
which is 110 feet high.

" If 1 was at Patna, I would have the topes across the Ganges opened in two months.
I can hear of nothing near this place. I hope however to be able to pay a visit to
Faizabad, near which I hear, that there is a pillar.

" I have a short inscription of the time of Govinda Chundra Deva, of Kanouj,
the predecessor of Vijaya Chundra Deva, the prince mentioned in the long in-
scription of which Colonel Caulfield has sent you a copy. My short inscription
mentions, Gasala Debee as the wife of Govinda Chundra."

Read a further letter from the same officer, with reference to which the Officiating
Secretary earnestly begged, that notice might be taken by any member of the So-
ciety, or indeed any individual whose position and inclinations might enable him
to serve the cause of Antiquarian research in Behar, alluded to in the latter portion
of the letter, which was then read as follows —

** I am now lithographing a large drawing of a beautiful silver patera of a Sassanian
king on horseback, killing a lion — 2nd Shahpore ? It has an inscription which I am
to get shortly.

•' I have heard of no new genuine coins, but the forged coins are becoming plentiful,
and I think I have discovered the forger. The fellow has not much character to lose,
but, I think an exposure will put others on their guard against purchasing coins from
him.

" The country north of Patna is full of topes, none of which have been opened : —

" 1. The Kesariah mound, 20 miles N. of Bokhra, in sight of the Gunduk.

" 2. A mound of solid brickwork, about 40 feet high, near Bassar.

" 3. At Bokhra (not the Azimgurh Bokhra) 13 kos north of Patna, and 6 kos north of
Singhea— a pillar and tope of solid brickwork ; a horizontal excavation was made by
a doctor of MozuiFerpore 35 years ago, (therefore the first excavator of a tope), but
nothing was found.

" Could you not manage to have an excavation made from the top to the foundation,
in a perpendicular direction ? Some one at Patna, or Mozufferpore, might superintend
the work. The pillar also should have an inscription, which is probably under
ground."

The Officiating Secretary submitted to the Meeting the reply from Major Rawlin-
soN of Candahar, to a communication which he had addressed to that able Antiquarian,
in which he had begged him to undertake the duties of Corresponding Secretary in
Afifghanistan. The Society, the Officiating Secretary observed, would not fail to
regret exceedingly the difficulties which interfere with Major Rawlinson's accepting
this office, and which he had requested him to undertake in common with the late
Capt. CoNOLLY, who working in a different part of the country, might have devoted his
energetic endeavours to the furtherance of some of the main objects of the Society.

1840.] Asiatic Society. 861

" It was with extreme gratification that I received your letter of September 9th, a
few days ago, enclosing the official notice of my admission into the Asiatic Society, and
conveying to me the very flattering offer of acting as Corresponding Secretary to your
institution across the Indus; fond as I am of the study of antiquities, there could hardly
be a greater pleasure to me, than filling the situation you propose, which would place
me in communication with all the most skilful antiquaries and numismatologists of
India, but really and truly, I have not the time to bestow on the duties of so fascinating
an employment ; being now in a laborious and responsible Political situation, I feel it
incumbent on me to sacrifice, to a due fulfilment of my public duties, those pursuits
which for many years past have formed my chief study and delight, and which when
I am once fairly engaged on them, possess for me all the attraction that attaches
the opium-eater to his drug. I have now brought myself to eschew antiquities upon
principle, leaving unfinished several papers for which I am pledged to Societies in
London, Paris, and Vienna, and it would be perfect ruin to me to be subjected afresh
to the temptations which the office of your Corresponding Secretary would necessarily
throw in my way. Edward Connoly would have been a most zealous and efficient
coadjutor, and would probably have had it in his power to command the requisite
leisure, but, alas ! you will have heard long since of his untimely fate, and I doubt
if there is any one in the country qualified to supply his place.

" I should like, if I found during the winter that public business was not very press-
ing, to give you a series of letters to be published monthly in your Journal, tracing
the outlines of such Historical and Geographical information as we possess regarding
Affghanistan from the earliest ages to the present day, and inviting inquiry on all mat-
ters of interest referring to the different epochs, but I could promise nothing more than
outlines, for I certainly have not the information (and I almost doubt its being pro-
curable) to fill up details, or attempt any thing like analysis ; something of the sort
however certainly requires to be done; hitherto the numismatical discoveries have
hardly been turned to any account ; we have a long list of names, but there has been
no attempt to appropriate them to the different tribes and dynasties of which, chiefly
through the Chinese authorities, we can darkly trace the succession in the regions be-
tween the Oxus and the Indus, still less has there been any endeavour to affiliate these
tribes, or to work out their descent into the page of modern history.

" I beg to return you my best thanks for the impression of Pottinger's cylinder, it is
a relic at least as ancient as the times of Cyrus and Darius, and must have travelled
from the banks of the Euphrates to the spot where it was found in the Paropamisan
mountains. The inscription is in the Hieartic Babylonian character, and is in fact
the usual formula (probably a prayer) found upon all these sacred cylinders. This
character, which is the third or complicated class of cuneiform writing, is crept in
a few signs conjecturally rendered by Burnouf, altogether undecypherable. It is
probably syllabic, and certainly embodies a Semitic language. The means of rendering
it intelligible are, however, I believe, in existence, and if I ever return to Persia, and
can devote a year or two to the task, I do not despair of mastering it by the assist-
ance of the Zend literal cuneiform characters, which I perfectly understand, and which

862 Asiatic Society. [No. 104,

is employed in the inscriptions, to render the translations from the Babylonian into the
ancient Persian. The character being once decyphered, the language to which it is ap-
propriated will no doubt be found cognate with the Pheenician, and I assert with confi-
dence, that the knowledge thus obtained will open to us (always following the Mosai-
cal early history of the world) an insight into the common original language of man-
kind, as thousands of bricks stamped with this writing are found in the foundations of
the tower of Babel, and must have been placed there before the confusion of tongues,
when the language spoken in the plain of Shinar, was, I suppose it will be admitted, the
same that Adam and Eve used in Paradise, and this I believe is about the ultimate
limit that antiquarianism reaches ; joking apart, however, there is no doubt but the read-
ing of this character will give us a decent knowledge of the history of Assyria and
Babylonia from Nimus to Sadanapalus and Nebuchadnezar; the records are most
ample.

"The inscription on Hutton's antique, gives the title of the king as Palash (the Vola-
gases of the Greeks) and from the style of the Pehleivee writing, probably refers to the
Sassanian monarch of that name ; but I have not yet satisfied myself as to the exact
meaning of the entire legend. I have a vast number of impressions of Sassanian gems
with legends, and willendeavour some day to give you a paper on them ; but the subject
is very obscure, and requires a still greater field of collation, than I have hitherto suc-
ceeded in accumulating.

" Coins are scarce in this part of the country, and the nomenclature of Bactrian and
Melo-Scythian numismatology is, I fancy, pretty well exhausted, but all the useful
part of the science requires, as I have already observed, still to be elaborated."

The Officiating Secretary submitted a note of charges for the printing of Part 2d, Vol.
II of the Researches of the Society, and again suggested that a volume of Transactions
might be prepared in octavo, should the Committee of Papers determine that the
materials, which the Officiating Secretary was prepared to submit to them, were of a
nature to admit of publication; the octavo form was, the Officiating Secretary observed,
of advantage, not only as regarded the saving of expence, but also for facility of carriage,
which was a matter of some importance for a Society which communicated with cor-
responding members at so great a distance as did the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

(Suggestion referred to the Committee of Papers.,)

Read a letter from Capt. T. S. Burt, of which the following is a copy —

" Since my letter to you of the 19th October, I have been over to Chitore, and
taken facsimiles of the inscriptions I met with there ; their age is about 750 years, as
well as I can make out; Tod speaks of those on the lofty pillar, but not of two others,
which I found in an old temple there ; I shall defer sending them to Calcutta for the
present.

" I have found some images of marble at Ajmere, 650 years of age, with inscriptions
on their pedestals.

1840.] Asiatic Society. 863

" I am now about to proceed to mount Aboo, celebrated by Tod, and I hope to find
some Pali writing, as well as other characters there.

** My principal object in writing to you now, is this— my brother of the 64th states,
that when looking for my lost drawings either in the Society's apartments or in the Mint,
he found a number of facsimiles of old inscriptions bearing my signature, which were
thrown aside in consequence of James Prinsep's illness; now as many of them, a few
in particular, were very valuable, and of considerable age, as the pillars upon which
I found them testify, I think it right to bring the circumstance to your notice, with
a hope that you will not allow them to lie any longer as they now do, * unnoticed
and unknown.' "

The query put by Capt. Burt, regarding the fate of his inscriptions, was directed
to be referred to the executors of the late Secretary, Mr. James Prinsep.

Read a report from the Officiating Curator to the Society's Museum, together with

the following observations recorded by the Officiating Secretary, in submitting that

Report to the Committee of Papers.

" I have the honor to submit to the Committee of Papers, the accompanying report
by our present Officiating Curator. The zeal with which Mr. Piddington is enter-
ing on his task of arresting the progress of decay, will I trust be as grateful to the Com-
mittee, who were the cause of his temporary appointment, as his labours are certain
of being useful to the Society."

" To H. ToRRENs, Esq.
*' Dear Sir, " Officiating Secretary of the Asiatic Society.

" Having in pursuance of your letter of 27th December last assumed charge of the
Museum of the Asiatic Society, as Officiating Curator, on 1st instant, I have now, in
obedience to the resolutions of the Committee of Papers referred to in it, to submit my
Monthly Report.

" Palaontological, Geological, and Mineralogical Department. — The first im-
pression which a cursory inspection of these departments of the Museum has given
me, is a strong one of the sad dilapidation going on amongst them; partly in
consequence of trusting to the very perishable recording, which ink, paper and paste
admit of in a climate like this, and partly from the almost entire absence of any ge-
neral or serial catalogues to the various collections; many of which, again, have evi-
dently been broken into, for the purpose I presume of completing other arrangements ?
but of no such arrangements, whether completed or left incomplete, has it seems any
note or register unfortunately been left in the Museum. I have written to my pre-
decessors on this subject, to ascertain if any records of any kind exist, and I yet trust we
shall be able to rescue something to guide us in the sad confusion which now pre-
vails.

" I may briefly state a few facts in confirmation of what is here said. In our rich
Palaeontological collection, no registers or catalogues, beyond the few lists printed

5 R

864 Asiatic Society. [No. 104.

in the Journal exist, that I can yet discover ; and valuable specimens are fast losing
their labels of names, and above all, of localities. In our Geological series I find,
amongst others, even those of Gerard, Voysey, and Franklin — the first particularly of
unique specimens, collected often at the risk of his life at 16 and 18,000 feet of eleva-
tion, midst the snows of the Himalaya, on the frontiers of Chinese Tartary — all going
to utter confusion, through the growing indistinctness of the ink, and the ravages of
damp and insects. Of the valuable collection of the Lavas of Vesuvius, presented
by Sir Edward Ryan, though of this the Catalogue exists, yet only thirty-six out
of nearly a hundred specimens can yet be found ; I omit for brevity's sake, further
details of this nature.

" I have then thought it of urgency to confine myself almost wholly to arrest this
dilapidation, and if possible, so to place every thing upon record as it now exists,
or can be ascertained, that at all events farther mischief in this way may be stopped,
and the records rendered as enduring as paint and printing can make them. The
Museum book of "Geological collections," sent herewith, will shew what I propose
doing for every series ; and I have arranged in Case No. 8, Frame No. 1 (to the right
hand below the stair-case) Dr. Gerard's series, in such order, with its separate little
book of reference in the case, that it is available for the study of visitors and members,
and when the serial catalogue is printed, it will be beyond the reach of any thing
but wilful confusion for a long period of years.* I shall be happy to have the opinion
of the Committee on this plan of arrangement, and these views. My own feeling and
judgment on this point is, that nothing could be more lamentable, and more dis-
couraging to the progress of Indian Science, than the fact that collections, which
men Kave almost literally laid down their lives to obtain, should thus be lost to their
memory, and to the ends of Science.

" Osteological Department. — In this division the want of cases for preserving the
smaller skeletons from the effects of dust and dirt is much felt; and I beg to sub-
mit this matter particularly to the attention of the Committee; for several of our
skeletons are rare* and valuable, and even a common one costs time and expence to
replace, or repair it. The small skeletons are particularly liable to dilapidation when
dusting, and from the incautious handling of visitors.

" Mammalogical Department. — In this again we are entirely without glass-cases,
and in spite of daily care, much dilapidation must be going on, which is but too evident
in many of the specimens.

" Ornithological Department. — This and the following department are by far the
best preserved of our collections, being fully provided with cases. .^|

''Reptiles, Fishes, 5fc.— Provided with cases, and generally in excellent preserva-^^
tion. Mostly named, but no catalogues. The spirits of wine having partly evaporated
from many of the jars and bottles, it has been necessary to fill them up, which occa-
sions some extra expence. I am in hopes of at least diminishing this evil in future,

* Five series in all, are arranged, comprising 293 specimens, but only one is placed in a case
for inspection.

1840.] Asiatic Society. 865

by the precaution of cementing over the stoppers, which, with their current duties, and
the preparation of the additions to the Museum, mentioned hereafter, has been the
standing employment of the Curator's Assistants.

" Additions to the Museum this month have been —

" 1. A valuable series of Geological specimens from Brimhan Ghaut, on the Ner-
budda, to Omarkuntuck, the source of that river, by Dr. SptLSBURY—Arranffed and
Catalogued.

" 2. The splendid skeleton and skin of the Gaur, from Chota Nagpore, by Major
OusELEY — Skeleton mounted, skin suspended, being imperfect.

** 3. Skeleton of the Eagle formerly in the Society's compound — Mounted.

"4. A fine specimen of the Hematronus undulatus — From C. P. White, Esq^
Midnapore ; stuffed. Duplicate of one in the Museum.

*• 5. A pair of the young of the Cheel, Falco ater— Stuffed.

*' 6. A fine specimen of the Machal, Falco ? (Purchased, not previously in

our collection) — Stuffed.

Asiatic Society's Museum, • I am, Sir,

30^^ November, 1840. Your's obediently,

H. PIDDINGTON.

The Officiating Curator submitted his report on the Mineral specimens sent from Raj-
pootana by Capt. Burt, under the supposition that they were of the nature of Coal.
Mr. PiDDiNGTON observed, that it has no relationship to the Coal whatsoever, for it is
infusible at a heat which blisters platina. It is one of the Titaniferous Oxigen of
iron. He likewise submitted the following list of specimens as desiderata for the Osteo-
logical branch of the Museum : —

" Skeletons.

5 Neel Ghye.

i Samur, 4 horned Deer of Sumbhalpoor (Kotarn ?)

5 Buffalo.
f Gayal.

5 Garial.

< Alligator (large.)

C Lion.
■< Leopard.
cLynx.

^ Hyaena.

J Jyo, or wild Dog of Bundlecund,

jT>o. or do. do. of Nepal.

C Do. or do. do. of Affghanistan.

Pangolins.

Tapirs of Tenasserim Province.

Dugong of Singapore.

For the presentations and contributions the thanks of the Society were accorded.

JOURNAL

ASIATIC SOCIETY

Description of^ and deductions from a consideration of, some new
Bactrian coins. By Lieut Alexander Cunningham, Engineers.

There are but iew notices of Bactrian history to be found in ancient
authors ; and some even, of those few, do not agree : so that we are
compelled, in the absence of historical aid, to examine the numismato-
logy of Bactria, as Butter's philosophers examined the moon, by its
own light. And thus a good cabinet of the coins of the Bactrian
princes, is to an experienced numismatist

" A famous history enrolFd,

In everlasting monunaents of brass — "
from which he may draw the data for a chronological arrangement of
those princes, many of whom are "of dynasties unknown to history."
In this paper, however, I shall confine myself to a notice of the pieces
figured in the accompanying plate, merely adding such inferences
as a careful examination of the coins has suggested to me.

No. 1. A round copper coin of large size, and of brittle metal,
of middling execution, and in fair preservation.

Obverse. Figure of Apollo standing half turned to the right, with the
chlamys falling behind, and a quiver at his shoulder ; holding in
his left hand an arrow pointed downwards, his right hand resting
on the arrow. Legend in three lines BA2IAEQ2 SQTHPOS
AnOAAO AOTOY ; » (coin) of the saviour king Apollodotus."

Reverse. A tripod; — legend in Bactrian Pali 'P^i'i^Q "P*!*!"!
*PM"lTu, Maharajasa trddatasa Apdlddatasa ; "(coin) of the great
No. 105. New Series, No. 21. 5 g

868 Lieut, Cunningham on Bactrian coins, [No. 105.

king Apollodotus, the saviour." I have ventured to render the Bac-
trian Pali equivalent of Soteros, in a new way, which appears to me
to give the exact meaning of the Greek word. It will be seen that
at the foot of the initial letter, there is a stroke backwards, which, from
its occurrence in the name of Eucratidas, and in the word jOM<r«s«,
for the Sanskrit J'W^^, must be the letter R in composition, thus
making the word trd-datasa, or " of the giver of trdn (S. "^^f) safety,"
i. e, " the saviour." In the field are two Bactrian Pali characters,
which I read as i and t ; the former of these is found only on this coin,
and on No. 2 of Colonel Stacy's new coins (see J. A. S. of Bengal
for April, 1839, p. 344,) which I will hereafter show to belong to the
family of Undopherras.

This piece is of the same type as the well known round coins of Apol-
lodotus ; but it differs from them in being of inferior execution, in hav-
ing its legend disposed in three straight lines, instead of around the
piece, and in its monogramatic characters, the principal of which,
by its after occurrence on an undoubted Parthian coin of the fa-
mily of Undopherras, leads me to assign the mintage of this piece to
some place in Ariana, south of Bactria Proper and of the Indian
Caucasus, and to extend the rule of Apollodotus from the Paropamisus
to Patalene, and perhaps even to Barugaza, where we know that
his drachmas were current more than two hundred years afterwards.

Various places have been assigned to Apollodotus in the list of
Bactrian princes, none of which have received any general assent ; and
as the only passages in which he is mentioned by ancient authors, give
no clue for fixing his proper rank amongst the kings of Bactria, we
must be content to see our way by the light glimmering

" On narrow coins through dim cerulean rust,"
which has led me to the conclusion, that Apollodotus was the son of
Eucratidas the great king ; this opinion, which I offer with much diffi-
dence, is founded upon the following facts : —

First. — The common round drachmas of Apollodotus bear the title
of Philopater, which title M. Jacquet conjectured would declare his fa-
ther to have been of royal origin, for had he been in a private station, his
son would not have paid him so striking an honor. M. Raoul-Rochette
says, that this conjecture appears very plausible, and he adds, *' but there
is something more to be remarked here, which is, that on the coins of the

1840.] Lieut, Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 869

kings of this part of the East, especially on those of the Arsacidae,
the epithet of Philopater indicates the association of a son in the royal
title of the father" From this M. Raoul-Rochette supposes that Apol-
lodotus was the son of Menander, and that he was associated in the
government with his father, and consequently took the title of Philo-
pater in addition to the epithet of saviour, which was common to both
princes. The opinion of so eminent an antiquary as M. R. Rochette,
must always command respect, even when it fails to produce convic-
tion ; and did not the facts which have led me to a different conclusion
seem particularly strong and clear, I should certainly hesitate in dis-
senting from one, in every way so well qualified to judge. Now it ap-
pears from the quotation given above, that the epithet of Philopater
indicates the association of a son in the royal title of his father ; and
we know from Justin (lib. 41. c. 6,) that Eucratidas had made his son
"a partner in his kingdom;" from which it results almost conclusively,
that Apollodotus, who was the only prince that bore the title of Philo-
pater, must have been the son of Eucratidas, the only king who is re-
corded to have associated his son in the Bactrian kingdom with him-
self.

Second. — The rarity of the coins bearing the title of Philopater in
comparison with the other coins of Apollodotus, would seem to prove
that these pieces were all struck during his association in the govern-
ment with his father, on their return from the Indian conquests ; and
that after having murdered Eucratidas, he dropped the title of " lover
of his father," which to have continued would have been ridiculous, as
well as an outrage upon humanity. Now we know that this unnatural
son gloried in the murder, and, '* as if he had slain an enemy, and not
his father, he both drove his chariot through his blood, and ordered his
body to be thrown out unburied ;" which circumstance most satisfac-
torily accounts for the comparative scarcity of the coins of Apollodotus,
which bear the title of Philopater ; for had the murderer wished to
have concealed his crime, he would certainly not have dropped the
title of lover of his father, but would rather have published it on all
his coins, as a presumptive proof of liis innocence ; we also know that
the coins bearing this title are found mostly in the Punjab, and some
even in India, while none were found by Mr. Masson in the classic
site of Beghram ; which facts serve still more strongly to establish my

870 Lieut* CunHingham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105.

opinion, that these coins of Apollodotus Philopater were struck during
his association in the government with his father Eucratidas, on
their return from the Indian expedition. Now the square drachmas
of this prince, which has the elephant and the Indian humped bull,
are common at Beghram and in the valley of the Kabul river,
as well as in the Punjab ; and thus they would seem to have been
struck by this parricidal prince after the murder of his father, in com-
memoration of the Indian victory.

Third. — The partiality of Eucratidas for ''the god of Love and Poesie
and Light" is proved by the frequent occurrence of the figure of Apollo
as the reverse of his tetradrachms, and by the laurelled head of Apollo
found on the round copper coin of tWs prince, belonging to the
Austrian cabinet ; and nothing could be more natural in one, whose
favourite and patron deity was the glorious sun, than to call his
child Apollo'dotus, " the gift of Apollo ;" and we may even suppose
that the birth of this child was the fulfilment of some prayer, made to
the patron god.

Fourth. — The figure of Apollo is portrayed on the square copper
coins of Apollodotus, standing exactly in the same attitude as that
in which he is figured on many of the tetradrachms of Eucratidas,
which is worthy of notice, as it establishes a close numismatic con-
nexion between the coins of these two princes.

Such are the facts which prove, in my opinion, the relationship be-
tween Eucratidas and Apollodotus ; and my conclusion is still further
borne out by the evident inferiority of the round Philopater drachmas
to the square drachmas bearing the elephant and the Indian humped
bull, which remarkable difference may be easily accounted for, by the
fact, that the Philopater coins must have been struck by less skilful
workmen, during the return from the Indian expedition; while the
square drachmas, which are of superior execution, of bold relief,
and of most beautiful make, would have been coined by the best artists
in the metropolis of Bactria.

No, 2. A round copper coin, of large size, of riiiddling make,
and in fair preservation.

Obverse. Figure of Apollo standing half turned to the right;
the chlamys falling behind, and a quiver at his shoulder, holding
in his left hand an arrow pointed downwards ; his right hand raised

1840.] Lieut » Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 871

and resting on the tail of the arrow. In the field behind the figure,
there is a small elephant to the right. Legend disposed circularly
BA2IAEQE SQTHPOS ZwIAOY ; *' (coin) of the saviour king
Zoilus."

Reverse. A tripod. In the field to the left the Bactrian letter t, and
to the right the letter a. Legend disposed circularly ^?•^S^>i "P^"!^
"PMlIu, Maharajasa trddatasa Johilasa ; " (coin) of the great king
Zoilus, the saviour."

The identity of this piece, in type, size, and make, with the round
copper coins of ApoUodotus, would seem to point out some close con-
nexion between these two princes, which is further strengthened by
the appearance of the elephant in the field of this coin, a type of most
common occurrence on the silver coins of ApoUodotus, and on the
square copper coins of Heliocles, the grandfather of ApoUodotus ; on
whose coins the elephant occupies the whole field of the piece, but on
the coin of Zoilus is reduced to a mere symbol. The appearance of an
elephant on this unique coin of a new prince, taken in conjunction
with the identity of its type with another of the coins of ApoUodotus,
induces me to hazard a conjecture that Zoilus may have been a son of
ApoUodotus, and have succeeded his father for a short time on the
throne of Bactria. For it appears to me scarcely possible that ApoUo-
dotus, whose coins are not very common, should have reigned from 148
B. c, the period assigned for the murder of Eucratidas, till 126. b. c,
when the Bactrian empire was overthrown by the Scythians. I sup-
pose that ApoUodotus after having assisted Demetrius Nicator of Syria
in his successful expedition against the Parthians, in b. c. 142, was fi-
nally defeated, and perhaps slain, by the Parthians under Arsaces, 6th
Mithridates, about b. c. 140 — at which time Mithridates having made
Demetrius prisoner, is said to have extended his arms from the
Euphrates to the Hydaspes. Upon the death of Mithridates, in b. c.
136. I suppose Menander to have established himself in the provinces
south of the Caucasus, and to have added India beyond the Hypanis to
his dominions, while Bactria Proper and Sogdiana were overwhelmed
by an irruption of the Scythians in 126 b. c.

No. 3. A round copper piece plated with silver, of the size of
a drachma. It is Horace who observes that " a good and wise man is
not ignorant (quid distent cera lupinisj of the difference between

872 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105.

true coins and counterfeits;" hence we may easily discern that this
coin is a forgery, although an ancient one, for it was found amongst
a heap of rusty pieces of copper, completely covered with indurated
clay, and as no price was given for it, it is certain that it is not
a forgery of modern manufacture ; for where no money return was
expected, there could be no inducement to go to the expence and trouble
of making a false coin. The plating of the edges and of the letters is
now worn off, and the letters appear sunk in the copper, amid the silver
plating. The piece is of good Grecian workmanship, and is similar in
all respects to the tetradrachms of Antimachus, already known.

Obverse. Head of the king in the Macedonian helmet to the right,
the ends of the diadem floating behind the head.

Reverse. The figure of Neptune standing to the front, holding
in his right hand a trident, and in his left a palm branch. Legend
in two lines /Sao-iXeQS Qi^ov ANTIMA)(^ov ; " (coin of the king)
Antimachus (theus).'* Monogram in the field composed probably of the
same letters XO, which appear on the tetradrachm belonging to
Colonel Taylor, the British Resident at Bagdad. The same monogram
with a square □ occurs frequently on the coins of Azes. M. Raoul-
Rochette remarks upon the coins of this prince, that the titles
of Theus and of Nicephorus, were both borne by Antiochus, 4th
Epiphanes, and also that the figure of Victory found on the com-
mon drachmas of Antimachus was a type known on the coins of
the same Syrian prince, from which remarkable coincidences, he justly
concludes that the Bactrian prince Antimachus must have flourished at
the same time as the Syrian king Antiochus, 4th Epiphanes, or about
170 B. c, and from the total absence of his coins in the classic ruins
of Beghram, he deduces that Antimachus must have reigned north
of the Caucasus. In all these observations, which are as just as they
are acute, I most willingly concur ; but I cannot say that I perceive
even the faintest resemblance between the tetradrachms of Antimachus
and those of Heliocles, although the same able numismatist has observed
a strong likeness. M. Raoul-Rochette likewise supposes that the type of
Neptune on the reverse, probably alludes to some naval victory, where
Antimachus may have assisted Antiochus of Syria; which event he
thinks is still further declared by the type of Victory found on the
common drachmas of this prince.

1840.] Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins, 873

The date of 170 b. c, would make Antimachus contemporary with
Eucratidas ; and the absence of his coins at Beghram, would point out
the ancient Sogdiana as the territory probably ruled by him— which
probability is rendered still stronger by the knowledge which we derive
from Justin, that this country did not belong to the dominions of
Eucratidas. It is not too much then to suppose, that it was during the
reign of this king Antimachus, that the Bactrians " were worn out by
wars with the Sogdians, Drangians, and Indians," as related by the same
author ; and that as a monument of their success, Antimachus impress-
ed the figure of Victory upon his coins, and assumed the title of Nice-
phorus. As a further proof that these two princes were contemporaries,
I will cite the analogies that we find in their coins, which are the
earliest specimens, save a few square copper coins of Heliocles, that
bear legends in Bactrian Pali ; and it is a peculiarity remarkable in the
coins of these princes, that we find no Bactrian Pali legends on their
silver coins, excepting on those drachmas of Antimachus which are of
a much lighter weight, indicating most probably a later period of his
reign; for Antimachus assumed the Macedonian helmet, and most likely
affected to disdain the Bactrian customs and language, in the earlier
part of his reign. Here then we have two contemporary princes,
Antimachus of Sogdiana, and Eucratidas of Bactriana, whose coins
exhibit the two distinct characteristics found in the numismatology of
Bactria — namely, coins bearing Greek inscriptions only, and those
bearing both Greek and Bactrian Pali legends. These facts establish
the certainty that these two princes must occupy places in their respec-
tive dynasties between the kings who used Greek inscriptions only,
and those who used both Greek and Bactrian Pali legends, and this
rank agrees exactly with that already assigned to these princes upon
other grounds. Hence we may safely infer that Philoxenes in Sogdiana,
and Apollodotus and Menander in Bactriana, must be subsequent to
Antimachus and to Eucratidas ; and that the numerous other princes
whose names have been made known to us by bilingual coins only, must
likewise be subsequent to these two kings, Antimachus and Eucratidas,
whose coins form a transition series between those using the Greek
language only, and those which bear legends in both languages.

No. 4. A silver piece of the size of a drachma, of beautiful work-
manship, and in excellent preservation.

874 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105.

Obverse. Head of the king helmeted to the right ; the ends of the
diadem floating behind the head, and the chlamys fastened on the
shoulder. The helmet on this coin is similar to that found on many of
the coins of Menander and of Eucratidas, and more especially to that
found on the beautiful didrachm of Philoxenes — and differs from the
Macedonian helmet, which is found on all the known coins of Antialci-
das. Legend, disposed circularly, BA2IAEQ2 NIKHa>OPOY
ANTIAAKIAOY ; " (coin) of the King Antialcidas, the victorious."

Reverse. The Olympian Jupiter seated, and slightly turned to the left.
In his left hand is a sceptre ; and in his outstretched right hand is a figure
of Victory, which extends a chaplet to the left in one hand, and holds a
palm in the other ; to the left, and under the figure of Victory, is the
forepart of an elephant, similar to that found on the common drachmas
of this prince, but in a contrary direction, for on this coin it is portrayed
facing the figure of Jupiter ; a Grecian monogram in the field composing
KAM, and differing from all the monograms yet found on the coins of
this prince. The monogram as represented in the plate is faulty, and
should have under the cross stroke of the A, thus making the monogram
as I have read it ; legend in Bactrian characters *PS^1u 'P^'^H19'*13
'P'I^AS Maharajasa jayadharasa Antialikidasa ; " (coin) of the great
King Antialcidas, the victorious." It is worthy of remark, that this
coin weighs only 35 grains, or a little more than a hemidrachma : but
the best preserved drachmas of the common type of Antimachus weigh
only 41 grains, and these light weights betoken a period subsequent to
Eucratidas, whose drachmas are of the Grecian standard weight.

No. 5. A round copper coin of middle size, of good execution, and
in fair preservation.

Obverse. A head bearded and wreathed, looking to the right, the
shoulders and bust bare, the right hand grasping a thunderbolt, as if
about to hurl it forwards. Circular legend BA2IEQS NIKH-
^OPOY ANTIAAKIAOY ; " (coin) of the victorious king Antial-
cidas." This bearded and wreathed head is no doubt that of Jupiter
Nicephorus, whose figure forms the only reverse of all the known silver
coins of Antialcidas. Here we have more of the bust than on the
square copper coins of this prince ; and the hand grasping the thun-
derbolt, which projects across the neck, shows that the undecided
object, indifferently called " a palm, a thyrsus, or a club," which is

1840.] Lieut, Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 875

found in the same position on the square copper coins of Antialcidas,
is most probably only a thunderbolt; and as the head on these coins
of Antialcidas, as well as on the similar square copper coins of Lysias, is
undoubtedly bearded, I think we may safely infer that it represents
Jupiter Nicephorus, and not the prince himself.

Reverse. The caps of the Dioscuri, surmounted by the stars Castor
and Pollux, with two palms placed between them ; in the field below is
a monogram which seems to be composed of the letter MOI. Legend
in Bactrian Pali, disposed circularly, 1>^'1iHl9l3['P-|]^Aa 1>iL"iau,
Maharajasa jay adha( rasa) Antialikidasa ; "(coin) of the victori-
ous great king Antialcidas."

This same type of the caps of the Dioscuri is found on many of the
coins of Eucratidas, both in silver and in copper, and also on one cop-
per coin of Lysias. The make of the square copper coins of Antialci-
das, which is precisely similar to that of the square coins of Lysias, is
totally different from that of all the square coins of Eucratidas, which I
have seen ; and this being the case, I do not suppose that the identity of
type indicates any connexion between these princes — but merely
proves that Antialcidas must be nearly contemporary with Eucratidas,
or perhaps a little later, for all his coins yet found, both in silver and in
copper, have bilingual inscriptions. With Lysias, however, I suppose
the connexion to be closely and clearly indicated, for the coins of these
two princes are identical in type, shape, and appearance, and also in
thickness. The numismatic relations between this prince and Anti-
machus are striking and obvious ; both princes wear the Macedonian
helmet, which is likewise worn by Amyntas on a beautiful drachma in the
possession of Dr. Chapman, and both take the same title of Nicephorus:
both have the figure of Victory upon their coins, and both occasionally
employ the same monograms ; all which coincidences lead me to assign
to Antialcidas a rank in the same dynasty with Antimachus and Phi-
loxenes, and immediately following the latter prince, or about b. c.
150 to 140.

The princes whose coins I am next to notice are of uncertain origin,
not one of them having a purely Greek name. On the early coins of
this class, however, the names are expressed clearly enough in Grecian
characters, but on the coins of the later princes the names expressed
in corrupted Greek characters are doubtful, and vary on different

5 T

876 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105.

specimens of the same king, while the name in Bactrian Pali on
the reverse remains constant and unchanged ; hence, as a man who
carries a string through the mazes of a labyrinth, is, on his returning
ignorant of the way, guided by that which he had before conducted, or
as a father who directs his child in youth, is in his declining old age
guided by that child ; so do we find that the Greek names which had
been our guide during the infancy of our study of the Bactrian Pali,
are now in their turn, consequent on the decline and corruption of the
Grecian language, elucidated by our more matured knowledge of the
language of Bactria. It will be of advantage to bear this in mind, for
the amount of corruption and barbarism to be found in each name
expressed in Greek characters, will be of singular value in determining
the relative route of these later princes, whose names truly and cor-
rectly expressed in the native character, will enable us not only to
correct the bad Greek version of the coins, but perhaps also to assist
in identifying them with princes of the same names, mentioned by native
authors.

No. 6. A round copper coin of small size, of good workmanship,
and in defective preservation.

Obverse. The Sinha, or maneless Indian lion, walking to the right,
differing from the usual representation of this animal on the coins of
Azas, in having one of the fore legs raised. In the field a Bactrian
monogram. Legend disposed circularly, BASIAEQ2 BA2IAEQN
MErAAOY AZOY; "(coin) of the great king of kings, Azas."

Reverse. A female figure standing half turned to the left, holding in
her left hand an object, which may be the horn of Plenty, and extend-
ing in the right hand an undecided object, which from a comparison with
other coins is, I suspect, a small figure of Victory, holding out a chaplet.
In the field to the right is a Bactrian monogram forming tiy and on
the other side an indistinct object. Legend disposed circularly, Ta9
"P^lu Til'^iJLI Til'nTu, Maharajasa rajatirajasa mahatasa Ayasa ;
" (coin) of the great king, the king of kings, the mighty Aja." Two
very imperfect specimens of this type were published by Mr. Prinsep in
the 2nd vol. of his Journal, (figs. 1 1 and 12, plate vii.) but he was
unable to recognize them at that early period of our knowledge.

No. 7. A square copper coin of middle size of good execution,
and in excellent preservation.

1840.] Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins, 877

Obverse. The king mounted upon a two humped Bactrian camel,
walking to the right, with a bow at his back, and extending in his right
hand a cross over the head of the camel. Inscription in four lines as
in the preceding.

Reverse. The humped Indian bull, walking to the right, the upper
part of the legs very thick, as if covered with long shaggy hair. Inscrip-
tion on three sides Ta9 "P^Tu T>iL^U^ Til'nTu, Maharajasa rajara-
jasa mahatasa Ayasa; *' (coin) of the great king, the king of kings,
the mighty Aja."

A specimen of this type has already appeared in the London Numis-
matic Journal ; on that coin, however, there is a monogram composed of
the letters c and x> while this coin has no monogram of any kind.

The Bactrian camel is figured on this piece in a much better
style than on the round copper coins of this prince. These pieces
would seem to form part of a series of coins struck by Azas, or
Aja, to show the extent of his kingdom by the exhibition of animals
characteristic of the different countries under his rule ; the elephant
and humped bull of India, the double-humped camel of Bactria, and
perhaps the shaggy long haired bull of Tibet. The total absence of
his coins at Beghram, proves that his rule did not embrace the country
around Kabul, while the abundance of his coins found at Bajawur, in
the Punjab, and in the lower hills south of Kashmeer, taken in conjunc-
tion with the various animals displayed upon these coins, clearly show
that his authority extended over the ancient Pencelaotis, and over the
kingdoms of Taxiles and of Porus, embracing the whole country from
the Jellalabad river to the country beyond the Hypanis, bounded to
the north by the Indus, and to the south by the Ocean.

That his reign was a long one, is evinced by the variety and abun-
dance of his coins, which form the most numerous and most complete,
as well as the most interesting series of Bactrian coins yet discovered.
His name, as it is written in the Bactrian Pali, is a genuine Hindoo
appellation, being either Ayu^ or more probably Aja, the y and^ being
permutable letters ; and I incline strongly to connect him with the
prince whose coins bear the legends of BASIAEQ2 MAYOY and of
BA2IAEQ2 BA2IAEQN MEFAAOY MAYOY ; for this name
is certainly not a Greek one, while, on the other hand, it is a classical
Hindoo name, as Maya (the son of Karryapa by Dana) which would be

878 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105.

rendered in Greek by MAYA 2, adding the 2 to form the Grecian
termination. Here then we have coins of two princes, with genuine
Hindoo names, written in the Greek character, and with types almost
all relating to India, some of which are of the highest interest, and of
the greatest value. The Indian origin of these two princes is further
declared in the plainest and most obvious manner by their being
represented on their coins seated in the Indian fashion — (see fig. 11,
pi. xxi. vol. IV. and figs. 12, 13, pi. xxii. vol. iv. Journal Asiatic So-
ciety of Bengal), and their Indian Government is shown by the absence
of their coins at Beghram, and by their abundance in the Punjab.

I suppose these two princes to have reigned in the Punjab at the
same time with Hermaeus in Kabul ; a supposition which is rendered
extremely probable by the localities in which their coins are found, as
well as by their style of execution, which betrays a Reclining period of
Grecian art. The coins of Hermaeus, which abound at Beghram, are
rarely met with in the Punjab, which fact serves to point out the
position of his kingdom in as clear a manner as could be wished. Now
Hermaeus must have been posterior to Apollodotus and to Menander,
both of whom bear the same title of Soter, which Hermaeus affects ;
and as both Apollodotus and Menander possessed the Punjab, it is
equally certain that Maya and Aja, who ruled in the Punjab, must
likewise have been subsequent to Apollodotus and Menander, and
therefore contemporary, or nearly so, with Hermaeus, or about 100 b. c.
I have much more to offer regarding Aja (or Azes), but I will reserve
it for a longer account of these princes, which I am now engaged upon.
I may, however, notice here a passage from Caius Julius Solinus, re-
garding the Bactrian camel. In chap. lii. he says " Bactri camelos
fortissimos mittunt, licet et Arabia plurimos gignat. Verum hoc dif-
ferunt, quod Arabici bina tuhera in dorso habent, singula Bactriani.^*
This gross error has probably arisen from a transposition of the words ;
but it is nevertheless sufficient to put us on our guard against the
assertions of ancient authors, no matter how clear and positive they
may be ; and to make us exclaim with Hudibras —
Alas ! what is't t'us

Whether t'was said by Trismegistus,

If it be nonsense, false, or mystic,

Or not intelligible or sophistic,

T'is not antiquity nor author

That makes Truth Truth, although Time's daughter.

1840.] Lieut, Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 879

No, 8. A round copper coin of middle size, of fair make, and in de-
fective preservation.

Obverse, Figure of the king on horseback to the right ; his right
hand raised, and extended to the front. In the field in front of the
horse a symbol which may be either a stiflf representation of the
caduceus, which is found on the coins of Maya, or it may be a mono-
gram composed of the Indian Pali letters m and n, ; the former is, I
think, the more probable. Inscription in corrupted Greek, very im-
perfect, BAClAeC (sic) BACIAecDN MEFA.. ....YNAO

** (coin) of the great kings of kings Undapherras."

Reverse. A figure, probably of Victory, walking to the right, her
right hand extended to the front, and holding out an indistinct object,
which is possibly intended for a chaplet ; her left hand holding a spear.
In the field to the right a square monogram, apparently composing
XDY, to the left a Bactrian monogram formed of the Bactrian
characters mi and sr probably. Legend in Bactrian Pali, TlVS "P^lu
l*^S^^^^^\Vy Maharajasa rajadirajasa mahatasa Andopharasa ;
" (coin) of the great king, the king of kings, the mighty Andophara."

This coin only slightly differs from that published by Mr. Prinsep
in his Journal for July 1838, No. 14 ; and is almost the same as that
figured in the Numismatic Journal of London, No. — of plate 3, which
Professor Wilson has given to Azes, but which is undoubtedly a coin
of Undopherras or Andophara.

The coins of this prince, which I have seen, are of three different
types, all exhibiting very different styles of execution ; some being of
fair workmanship with good Grecian letters, whilst others are utterly
barbarous. These facts, which show, by the variety of mintage, the
numerous mints established by this prince, likewise show the wide ex-
tent of his rule.

The name of Undopherras, which has a striking affinity to the well
know Persian names of Phrataphernes, Dataphernes, Radhaphernes, and
Tissaphernes, and more particularly to Intaphernes, would lead us to
suppose him to be a Parthian, or a Persian ; a supposition which is
almost established by the evident Parthian type of the coins of this
prince (or of one of his direct descendants) published by Colonel Stacy
(Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, April, 1839). His name is spelt on some speci-

880 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105.

mens Undopharas, which agrees much better with the Bactrian Pali
reading of Andophara, than the usual spelling of Undopherras.

His coins, which are common at Beghram, and of frequent occurrence
over all Ariana, are but rarely met with in the Punjab. These loca-
lities point out the extent of the kingdom of Undopherras, which must
have embraced the Paropamisus, with Aria, Drangiana, and Arachosia,
and most probably also Gedrosia, a territory bordering on Parthia,
and which belonged occasionally to the Parthian empire itself, but
separated from it by the natural boundaries of the great salt desert
" and the vast Carmanian waste." This was the most eastern pro-
vince of the Parthian empire during its most flourishing period, and
after the defeat and death of Phraates 2nd, and of his successor Arta-
banus by the Scythians, and the consequent destruction of the empire,
and after the commencement of the distant western wars with the
Romans, and with Tigranes 1st of Armenia, which drained the eastern
provinces of Parthia of all the forces necessary to keep them in sub-
jection ; no position could be more favorable, no circumstances more
tempting for successful revolt, and for the establishment of an inde-
pendent monarchy. Now from the evidence furnished by the coins of
Abalgasa, we may deduce two positions of much value to our argument ;
first, Abalgasa, or Abalgasus, who calls himself the son of Undopher-
ras, would seem, from the similarity of his name to the well-known
names of ^Eb-azus, Bacab-azus, Pharnab-azus, and Artab-azus, to have
been of a Persian or Parthian family ; thus strengthening the supposition
which I have already advanced, regarding his father Undopherras, that
he was of Persian or Parthian family ; and, second^ that Undopherras,
or Andophara, was most probably the first of his family, who had en-
joyed sovereign power, as his coins make no mention of his father.
Hence we may not unreasonably suppose that this Undopherras, the
founder of monarchy in his own family, was a Persian Satrap placed
over the eastern provinces of the Parthian empire, about 80 b. c, and
that he profited by the disturbed state of the country to make himself
independent. This supposition is much strengthened by the fact, that
the walled town of Furrah, which is surrounded by ancient ruins,
is in the midst of the countries in which this prince's coins most
abound ; and it may very possibly have been the capital of Andophara
and of his dynasty ; for this town was called Parra by the Greeks,

1840.] Lieut, Cunningham on Bactrian coins, 881

and I believe also Phra ; although its native name was more likely
Phara (or Furrah), and in support of this being the true reading, I
may adduce the following quotation from Lycophron (Cass. v. 1428).

2/cia KaXvxpH Tleppav, aju/3Xuvwv tjeXag,

in which the word Perras, used to signify " the sun," is only a Hellenized
form of the Egyptian Phra or Phara ; and hence we may conclude that
Undopherras is only a Grecian rendering of Andophara (or Andophra)
the very name which is found in the Bactrian Pali legends of the re-
verses of his coins.

To omit nothing that may possibly be of use to us in elucidating the
history of this prince, known only by our coins, I will add my con-
jecture that Undopherras, or Indopherras, may very probably have been
a descendant of Intaphernes, one of the seven conspirators against the
Magian Smerdis. The names do not differ nearly so much in their
spelling, as the names of Orientals generally do, when written by Euro-
peans of different ages and nations; and we have already seen that the same
word Phra or Phara has been rendered both by Parr a and by Perras.
We know besides, that the name of Darius descended in his family to
the time of Alexander ; and also that the name of Megabyzus, another
of the seven conspirators descended to his grandson ; while the name
of his son Zopyrus was transmitted to his great-grandson as relat-
ed by Herodotus. Here then we have evidence that the Persians,
as well as the Greeks, called their children not by the father's, but by
the grandfather's names, a custom which is still prevalent all over India,
thus transmitting a name by alternate generations ; hence if our Undo-
pherras was descended from Intaphernes, the conspirator, it must have
been about the I7th generation. Now Intaphernes was put to death
by Darius soon after the death of Smerdis, or about 520 b. c. ; at which
time the eldest son of Intaphernes, the only one of his children spared,
may have been ten years of age, making his birth in 530 b. c. from
which 15 generations of 30 years, or 450 years being deducted, leave 80
B. c. for the birth of Undopherras, making him about 25 years of age
when he assumed independence. This is indeed only a conjecture, but
it is one so interesting, and also so plausible, that we may wish it,
though we cannot prove it, to be true.

882 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins, [No. 105.

Nos. 9 and 10. Round copper coins of middle size, of fair make, and
in fair preservation.

Obverse. Figure of the king on horseback to the left ; the king*s
face half inclined to the front ; the ends of the diadem floating behind ;
the right hand raised, and extended to the front ; in the field before the
horse the same monogram as on the coin of Undopherras just described.
Legend in barbarous Greek —
On No. 9. — lAEYDHrDY BA2IAELUN ABAArASIDYI

On No. 10. ditto. ditto. BABAArASDAI

which I read as EAEYHHPDY BA2IAEIUN ABAAFASDY
" (coin) of the deliverer of kings, Abalgasus," where lAEYQHPQY
is used for EAEY0EPIOY. It is indeed quite possible that the
doubtful letters may be AAEAtI)DYiaYbut the pluralBA2IAElUN
is against this reading, as well as the Bactrian Pali legend of the
reverse. The epithet of Elentherius, which I believe is altogether
novel in numismatics, is well known as a title of Jupiter ; and its sub-
stitution for the simpler Soter is quite in accordance with Oriental
presumption ; and taken in conjunction with the inferiority of the coin,
it denotes a lower era of Grecian civilization, and a more flourishing
period of the progress of barbarism.

Reverse. A male figure moving to the right, dressed evidently in
the Indian dhoti ; and from the ends of a diadem appearing behind his
head, I should suppose him to be a royal personage ; the right hand is
raised and extended before him, holding out an indistinct object, not
unlike the hankboos^ or elephant goad. In the field are two Bactrian
monograms which have baffled all my endeavours to read ; the upper
portion to the left however looks not unlike a compound of the Grecian
letters P and M. In the field of No. 10 there is likewise the Grecian
letter B to the left of the figure. Legend in Bactrian Pali,
iPI/'^^i h^VS^^E, TnipbNO Tni'pL 'PSniu
Maharajasa trddatasa Abagasasa Andophara khudra putrasa ;
" (coin) of the great saviour king Abagasa, the younger son of
Andophara." In this long and highly interesting legend there are but
two doubtful letters immediately before putrasa : these two letters I
read with some hesitation as khudra^ the Pali equivalent of the Sanskrit
'^S^ kshudra, which means " younger," and completes the legend
more satisfactorily than any other word which I can propose.

1840.] Lieut* Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 883

A third specimen of the coins of this prince exists in Captain Hay's
collection, of which he has kindly sent me impressions. The horseman
on his coin is moving to the right, and the Grecian legend I am un-
able to read even plausibly, some of the letters being rubbed, and two
or three lost by a chip in the sealing-wax impression ; the legend how-
ever differs entirely from that of the coins just described, while the
Bactrian Pali legend agrees in every single letter with the legend deci-
phered above.

Two other coins of this prince, in the collection of Dr. Chapman, of
the 16th Lancers, are, through his kindness, now lying before me.
One of them is like Captain Hay's coin, and has the horseman to the
right, but neither of them is so perfect as the worse coin of the two
engraved ; and they lend but little assistance towards reading the
Grecian legend: one of them has lAEY ... DY BA2IAEIUN,
which agrees with the inscriptions of the engraved coins ; and tends
to confirm the correctness of my reading of lAEYB HPDYfor
EAEY9EPI0Y. The Bactrian Pali legends give no more than the
name of the prince and of his father. The only doubtful letter in the
name is the third. On No, 10 this letter is b ; being almost the same
as our own numeral for five ; and this same figure is on Captain Hay's
coin. On one of Dr. Chapman's coins however the third letter is 6 ;
being the same as the last, reversed, but on the other coin it is J ;
which last is probably the same as the first, much straightened, and
precisely what I should suppose would be the written form of the first ;
the reversed form may easily have occurred from the neglect of the en-
graver ; this reduces all these forms to the first b ; and this character
must therefore have the value of the Greek F, for there is no appear-
ance of any compounded "i / in it. If I am right in the value which I
have assigned to this letter b or J as g, then must the initial letter of
the legend on the coins of Kadaphes Zathus, 3 be gh, for it is formed
upon the same principle as the kh. On one of Dr. Chapman's coins
the second letter H is inflected with the vowel a, which therefore
makes the second syllable of the name a long one, Abdgasa.

On the two coins which have the horseman turned to the right, the
monograms of the reverse differ from those shown in the plate. To
the left of the figure is a square monogram similar to that which is
seen on the coin of Undopherras, No. 8 ; and to the right is a character

5 u

884 Lieut, Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105.

like a badly formed M, surmounted by a large dot, under which, on
Captain Hay's coin, is the letter P, a; and on Dr. Chapman's coin a
different Bactrian character inflected, but which is too indistinct to be
readily deciphered.

The name of Abalgases has an evident aflEinity to the Parthian
B0A0rAI2H2 or BOAAFASHE, the Vologases, and Balases
of Roman history, of which the original Parthian name was most pro-
bably Balagasa or Balgasa ; for the Pehlevi inscription on a Sassanian
gem was read by Ouseley as " Balgezi Yezdani" Vologases, the divine ;
the Balash or Balatsha of Persian historians. I have therefore little
hesitation in recording my belief that Abalgases, Bologaises, and Bal-
gezi are but different spellings of one original name — Balgasa or
Abalgasa.

This naturally leads me to the consideration of whether this prince
was one of the Parthian kings of that name, or another independent
prince of the same age and nation ; which latter appears to be much
the more probable. In my remarks upon the coins of Azas, I have
already shown that there was an independent dynasty of princes reign-
ing near Kabul, cotemporary with Mayas, and his successors in the
Punjab ; and this position, which I deduced from an examination of
the coins, seems to be pretty clearly established by the following extract
from Professor Lassen's article on the Bactrian language ; who, quot-
ing Ptolemy, says, " the western half (of Kabulistan) belonged to that
nation, whose separate tribes are comprehended under the general
name of the Paropamisades ; the eastern is numbered with the Indians;
but the plain at the lower part of the river is now under the power of
the Indo- Scythians.'' By now, Ptolemy must of course refer to his
own times ; but this passage sufficiently proves that the part of the
country spoken of had originally belonged to the Indians ; most pro-
bably under Mayas, Azas, and Azilisas. Now the fair execution of the
coins of these princes proves them to have flourished soon after Menan-
der, or about the same time as Hermaeus at Beghram near Kabul,
that is B. c. 100. Vonones would appear also to have been cotemporary
with Azas, from the style and type of his coins, which are similar to
those of Azas, who flourished probably in b. c. 80. Again on two of
Dr. Chapman's coins, which will soon be published, we have on the
Grecian side a name which I read as Spalyrisas, while the reverse has

1840.] Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins, 885

the name of Azas in Bactrian Pali ; thus establishing beyond a doubt
that these two princes were cotemporaries, and rendering it highly-
probable that Azas was the son or brother of Spalyrisas, and an asso-
ciate in the kingdom, or that he was tributary to that prince. Now
the coins of Spalirisas have an intimate connexion by their type with
the coins of Vonones, which have on the reverse the name of Spal-
haras, bearing an evident family resemblance to the name of Spalyrisas ;
and thus affording an additional evidence that Vonones must have
been nearly cotemporary with Azas, about 80 b. c, and consequently
much anterior to the Parthian Vonones 1st, who reigned in a. d.
4—14.

The coins of these Tndo- Parthian kings are highly interesting, as
they seem to hold out a hope that we may bring the Arsacidan chrono-
logy to our aid ; but as in the case of Vonones, so also in that of
Abalgasus, there appear good reasons for believing that our Indo-
Parthian prince was much earlier than the Parthian king Balgasa or
Vologases. The general appearance in type, make, and style of characters
observable in the coins of Abalgasas and of his father Undopherras,
connect these princes too closely with the Indo- Parthian Vonones and
his successors Spalyrisas and Spalurmas, to permit the identification,
however much we might wish for it. For the Parthian king Volo-
gases 1st did not begin to reign until a. d. 50, which is nearly 100
years later than the period of our Abalgasas, supposing his father
Undopherras to have succeeded to the family of Vonones and his
successors. Again, the Chinese historians affirm, that in 26 b. c. the
Indo- Scythians conquered the whole of Northern India, of which they
retained possession until 222 a. d. ; and Ptolemy, in describing
the extent of the Indo- Scythian empire, says, to use the words of
Professor Lassen, that " its main part is situated along both banks
of the Indus." Now this is the very country in which the coins of
our Vonones and Abalgasus are found ; and hence we may almost
confidently say, that they must both have flourished before the final con-
quest of the Indo-Scythians in b. c. 26, and consequently cannot be
identified with the Parthian princes of the same names, whose reigns
fall within the most brilliant period of the Indo- Scythian rule. Indeed
if I have read the Bactrian Pali legend of the coins of Abalgasus
rightly, we have the plainest proof that he cannot be identified with

886 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins, [No. 105.

any Parthian prince, unless we suppose his father Undopherras to have
been also a king of Parthia ; a supposition which would only involve us
in still greater difficulties.

There is a curious passage in Tacitus (Ann. lib. xi. c. 10.) which,
if true, would almost show that the Parthian arms had not penetrated
into the country of the Paropamisades before a. d. 44. In speaking
of the successes of Bardanes, who had pushed his conquests beyond the
river Sinde, which divided the territories of the Dahse and the
Arians, he adds, " igitur extructis monumentis, quibus opes suas
testabatur, nee cuiquam ante Arsacidarum tributa illis de gentibus
parta, regreditur." Professor Heeron, however, says, that Mithridates
1st extended the frontiers of the Parthian empire as far eastward as
the Hydaspes. Tacitus indeed does not say that no former Parthian
king had pushed his arms so far ; but when he says that none of the
Arsacides before Bardanes had taken tribute from those nations, we
may suppose that none had before penetrated so far to the eastward ;
for in all wars, and more especially in those of the east, conquest is
followed by exactions, which are usually called by the victors by the
milder name of tribute. The authority of Tacitus is also much
strengthened by the silence of Justin, who in mentioning the conquests
of Mithridates 1st, over the Medians, Hyrcanians, and Elymseans, merely
adds " imperiumque Parthorum a monte Caucaso, multis populis in
ditionem redactis, usque ad flumen Euphratem protulit."

From these passages therefore it would seem to be almost impossible
to identify our Indo-Parthian king with the 1st Vonones, who was
one of the predecessors of Bardanes. Professor Lassen, however, sup-
poses him to be the same as the 2nd Vonones, who reigned for a few
months only in a. d. 50 : but I have already shown that our Vonones
must have been nearly cotemporary with Azas, about 80 b. c ; as their
coins are similar in type, make, and genarel appearance. In addition
to which we have the united testimony of the Chinese historians, and
of Ptolemy the geographer, in favour of our Vonones having been an
independent prince : for they both declare that the country in which
his coins are found, was under the dominion of the Indo- Scythians j
during the reign of the 2nd Vonones of Parthia ; but on this subject I
shall speak more fully when I come to describe the coins of the Indo-
Scythians themselves.

:Ba^ruui/ Coin<s.

7'la^^J'

i W

/-

llPtl"4^

7

F

il

|C^'

/i^ 4iix^

A . Cl^.^i1Al■^^(^'hMmy, de^-

1840.] Lieut, Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 887

When I wrote my notes upon Captain Hay's Bactrian coins, I
had not given any attention to the study of the Bactrian Pali charac-
ters ; my readings of the native legends of those coins vrere therefore
made according to the values assigned to the different letters by
my late lamented friend James Prinsep, all the observable differences
in my readings having been errors of the press. Had James Prinsep
lived, he would long before this have perfected what he had so success-
fully begun. Since then, however, I have examined not only all the
coins within my reach, but also all the engravings published in the
Journal des Savants, in the Numismatic Journal, and in the Journal of
the Asiatic Society of Bengal : and after a careful examination of them
all, I have been led to some discoveries which appear to me to be of
sufficient consequence to warrant their publication.

The name of Undopherras on his own coins is invariably represent-
ed in Bactrian Pali by T5VS^ ; which Mr. Prinsep rendered by
Farahatisa ; he however doubted the correctness of his own reading,
which was based upon an assumed and false value of the initial letter.
On the coins of Abalgasus the name of Undopherras is written with
a slight variation thus, "iVl't ; the turn at the foot of the initial letter
being to the left instead of to the right, and the fourth letter being
the common r instead of the cerebral r. Now there are four syllables
in the Greek name, and in its Bactrian Pali equivalent there are an
equal number of letters, forming with inherent or written vowels the same
number of syllables, and consequently agreeing exactly with the Greek
name, thus giving us the best possible clue to the value of each of
these Bactrian Pali characters, which I will now examine separately.

1st. The first letter is found also as the initial of the name of
Agathoclea, in which name it represents the Greek cb short. Prof.
Lassen has strangely supposed the initial letter to be m inflected
with the vowel e, making the first syllable me I In the name of
Undopherras this letter stands for a short u. It is found also in
the middle of the names of Spalurmas, and of Abalgasas, in the former
representing u short, and in the latter a short: for I believe that
Abalgasus might with equal correctness have been written Abalgysus,
as Megabyzus is always written.

From these four examples of the use of this letter, there results the
certainty that it represented the short vowels a and u of the Greek,

888 Lieut, Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105.

both of which have the sound of the short « ^ of Sanskrit, which has
the exact pronunciation of the first syllable of the name of Undo-
pherras. Here I may notice that Undopherras, Spalurmas, and Abal-
gasas are not Greek names, and therefore we ought not to look for
the Bactrian Pali equivalents of the Greek letters used in expressing
their names ; but we should reverse the process, and seek for the
Grecian equivalents of the native characters : for the Greek names
vary on many of the coins of these later princes, while the native
names are always the same ; and this is more especially the case with
the coins of Spalurmas, which exhibit the different Greek versions of
Spalurion, Spalumon, and Palurman ; the last being found on an un-
published coin belonging to Captain Hutton, which wants only the
initial S to make the name perfect. The same letter which is found
initial in Agathoclea and in Undopherras, is here found medial ; and
by my discovery of its true value, I am able to correct the various cor-
rupted Greek versions by the native name, which remains always the
same. The characters are five, u "lip H Or, of which the first is an evi-
dent compound of n and t^ or sp ; the second letter is /; the fourth r ;
and the last m ; wherefore the third letter can only be w, used as the
initial of the latter half of the name, and thus the whole name becomes
clearly Spal-urma^ or with the Grecian termination Spalurmas, of which
the genitive would be Spalurmon ; and this last we may easily disco-
ver with but slight alterations in the different Greek versions.

The turn at the foot of the initial letter in the name of Undopherras,
I suppose to represent n, making the initial syllable YN, for one foot
turn to the left is exactly the same as that which is found at the foot
of the initial letter in the names of Antimachus and Antialcidas, where
it unquestionably represents n.

2nd. The second and fourth letters of the name of Undopherras are
the same, one of them being merely inflected. To this letter Mr,
Prinsep assigned the value of r, which is correct : but I am prepared
to show that it has also another value, and that it represents the cere-
bral ^</ of the Sanskrit, which is commonly pronounced ^J- As
an equivalent of d it is found on all the large round copper coins of
Apollodotus ; and also in the name of Diomedes, where it is initial and
inflected with the vowel ?, thus f Di, rendering the name of Diome-
des very satisfactorily as Diyamedasa 'PT.^^as ; hence we learn that

1840.] Lieut, Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 889

the second syllable of the name of Undopherras is do^ the sloping
stroke to the left downwards being the vowel o, with which the d is
inflected ; and precisely the same mark which is found to represent o
in the name of Zoilus.

To the second letter therefore in the name of Undopherras, I have
assigned the value of J, but as this letter occurs again as the repre-
sentative of the Greek double PP? it must have another value, and be
equivalent to an aspirated or double r ; and this indeed is the precise
sound which the Sanskrit cerebral v^ d frequently has, as ^ r. Here
then we find that by giving to this letter s, the value of the cerebral ^
d of the Sanskrit, it completely fulfils all the conditions in which it is
found upon the coins ; thus most satisfactorily establishing the correct-
ness of the value which I have assigned to it, and at the same time
leading to the discovery that the third letter of the Bactrian Pali name
of Undopherras can be no other than ph, thus rendering the whole

four characters literally Andophara.

Alexander Cunningham.

( To he continued. )

Notes of a March from Brifnhan Ghat on the Nerhudda, to Umurkuntulc, the
Source of that River. By G. Spilsbury, Esq,

In the Asiatic Journal, for August 1834, appear some notes of mine from
Tendookherie, across the valley of the Nerbudda south to the table land
of the Puchmuree, or Mahadeo hills. In the following paper I propose to
give the result of my observations from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk, the
holy source of the Nerbudda river. The notes will comprise three dif-
ferent routes, and I have some hope that by the aid of the accompanying-
map, and the specimens forwarded for presentation to the Museum, that I
shall have added a mite to the Geographical and Geological knowledge
of this as yet little travelled portion of Central India.

In the construction of the map, for which I am indebted to the able
pencil of Captain Reynolds, Madras Army, I have to remark that its correct-
ness depends on the places written in Capitals, which are laid down from
the map of these territories, furnished from the Surveyor General's office,
on a scale of eight miles to an inch. The notes commence at Brimhan
Ghat near Chawurputhur ; on leaving whicb we struck off in a S.S.W.
direction, crossing the valley of the Nerbudda, which yields but little
variety to the geologist, being a fine rich black soil of decomposed trap,
intermixed at the banks of most of the Nullas with calcareous tuffa.

890 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. [No. 105.

At Beerkherie, the Shair river is crossed, its bed compact basalt, and the
road lies through rich black soil up to Burheyta, where it changes to sand-
stone. This now insignificant village has been the site of a large city, and
extensive vestiges of a fort, palace, temples, buolies, tanks, and gardens,
are yet to be traced. The temples are generally Boudhist, or belonging to
that sera, and five large images of compact basalt, three of which are stand-
ing, and two in a sitting posture, have been ignorantly assigned by the na-
tives of this place to the five Pandoo brothers— Dhurum, Bheem, Urjoon,
Sahdes, and Nukool.

Low sandstone hills, varying from a few feet to a couple of hundred, co-
vered with thin jungle, is the characteristic of the country, with vallies of
more or less extent of decomposed trap ; about three miles east, near Nan-
deea, is a hill of quartzose pebbles ; about 100 feet up is a deposit of steatite
No. 1 , called by the natives Gora Pan, and largely exported ; in contact with
it lie the specimens Nos. 2 and 3.

At Sreenuggur, the Omar nuddee, the bed of which is composed of the
schist No. 4 and 5, and from a hill adjacent the limestone No. 6 is procur-
ed. The next five miles is a similar siliceous formation as that from Bur-
heyta to Sreenuggur, when you come to trap boulders, making the road
more or less stony and unpleasant. About three miles short of Dhooma, the
road winds up a steep ghatee of compact basalt, at the top of which is an
undulated table land of considerable extent. From this to Jhiria, where
this table land is again descended, the country is of the uniform character
found in trap formation; at Kuhanee, jasper and quartz No. 7, amygda-
loid No. 8, and travertin No. 9. The beds of the NuUas are compact basalt ;
the only exception seen was at Pindraee, where the Thanwur Nulla (a fee-
der of the Wyn Gunga and Godavery,) is crossed, at which the limestone
No. 10, crops out on its left bank.

At the bottom of the Jhiria Ghattee, the descent of which is neither
so long or so steep as that ascending to Dhooma, boulders of indurated
red clay, No. 11, are met with. The remainder up to Mundlah is a well
cultivated plain. The ford of the Nerbudda is compact basalt. No. 14,
and this specimen is a type of the formation wherever found in these
territories.

Mundlah has been a place of note, but since General Marshall dis-
mantled the Fort in 1818, the town has gone to decay, and is now
but an insignificant village. The river being full here from bank to
bank, 326 yards, and totally unfordable from hence to Ramnuggur, (a
distance of twelve miles) has a very picturesque appearance, aided much
by the ghats and temples along its right bank, and the mouldering
battlements and bastions of the fort. From this we proceeded along

1840.] March from Brimhan Ghat to Uinurkuntuk, 891

the right bank, all trap formation, roa4 stony from boulders; alDout
six miles crossed the Putwara nulla, where veins of wacke with feldspar
No. 12 and feldspar No. 13 occur; after this the road is undulated, a
series of ascents and descents through rather a dense tree jungle until
you again approach and recross the river, the bed of which is trap, in-
tersected in some places with veins of calcareous spar wacke No. 15, 16.

Ramnuggur in the days of the Gound Rajas, was a place of note.
There is still an old palace of four stories, built by Hirdee Sah some
200 years ago, and half a mile off one by his Dewan, little of which re-
mains beyond the walls, but of the palace, situated on the bank of the
river, and looking up a long reach of it, little decay has taken place beyond
what is to be expected from neglect and desertion.

The general feature is a square with an inner court, in the centre of
which was a Tanka* (from whence I presume we got our tank) and
garden. The whole of the rooms, especially of the lower floor, are occu-
pied by the villagers, and a considerable number of families have found
habitations therein. The village is now insignificant, and there are but
very few remains of its former state, when kings held their court. In
the village, and at the eastern side of the court of an old temple of
Mahadeo is the stone on which, in Sanscrit characters, is graven the
list of the sovereigns from Jadoo Rae, Sumbut 415, as detailed by Major
Sleeman in the Asiatic Journal for August 1837. On leaving Ramnuggur
we h<§,d to make a detour to the south, in order to get again into the
direct road from Mundlah. The road is bad and stony ; we passed up a
defile, and crossed over a hill called Doondooh of trap formation. The ascent
was easy, but the descent steep and stony, on which you emerge into an
open and extensive plain; at the bottom of the Ghatee cross a small
nulla, in which is found granite No. 17; a mile or two further is the Datta
nulla, near the village of Lutooa. From this the specimens of limestone
No. 18, 19, were procured, and from this locality lime for the buildings at
Ramnuggur was made ; about 6, cross the Mutyaree river, rather a large
stream, which some way down joins the Banjur, which flows into the
Nerbudda immediately opposite the Fort at Mundlah.

The ford of this nulla is composed of granite No. 20 and 21, but about two or
three hundred yards further up the river a ridge of compact basalt crosses
it, after this the soil changes to a sandy one, the general rock being No.
21, also intermixed with gneiss? No. 22, 23, and 24, syenite. At this
place, Unjoneea (and where we regained the direct road from Mundlah)

* I first heard this word used by a native in Betool district ; on asking him if at the top of Bower-
gurh there was any spring, he said no, but there was a Tanka or place made of pukka, stones and
cement, for holding water.

5 X

892 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. [No. 105.

was shot by Captain Tebbs, 33rd Regiment of Native Infantry, a pair
of the horn-bills (first seen in the dense jungle on the banks of the river
near Ramnuggur,) and designated in Cuvier's Animal Kingdom, as Buceros
Malabaricusj the bird was also seen at Umerkuntuk, but I am not aware
of its being met with in any other part of these territories.

Our next march was near Bichia to the Khoolar nulla, fourteen miles,
the first two miles being the same primitive formation, granite and mas-
sive quartz, when we ascended a small ghatee of trap boulders, passing
over a plain, little jungle, and scarcely any cultivation ; about 9 a gradual
descent to the Mutyaree nulla, the bed compact basalt ; leaving a village,
Oomurwaree, to the right; more cultivation about. From here to the
Khoolar nulla small trap hills are crossed of the same formation.

The next was Motee nulla, 16 miles; up to the Dutla nulla the forma-
tion was the same basaltic one, but in the bed of this nulla granite same as
No. 21, at Unjoonea. The soil now changes to a siliceous one, with large
masses of white quartz jutting out on a bleak open plain, singularly devoid
of the traces of man in the shape of cultivation or habitation. About eight
miles a fine pebbly stream with well wooded banks is passed. The Hul-
lo wn, (which joins the Boornerh near the village of Ghooghree, on the di-
rect road from Mundlah to Ramgurh,) about five miles more, over grass
plains approach the gorge of hills, and the jungle becomes more dense ; as-
cend a small ghatee, the Jogeegoopha, the hills on each side rising above,
the formation is limestone No. 25 capped with trap. On descending to-
wards the Motee nulla, it again becomes massive quartz. In this nulla we
first observed the laterite No. 26, 27, 28, 29 (so extensive a component of
the Mikul hills) iron ore No. 29, chert No. 30, indurated iron clay No. 31,
sandstone No. 32, indurated clay and calcedony No. 33.

In this and the preceding march, the sal tree, in large clumps, gives the
country a very peculiar appearance, and trees of any other kind are not
general.

Rajadhar 14 miles, road good, undulated country, grass plains with clumps
of the sal, formation laterite, with conical hills of trap up to Munglee,
about which are some small Goandee villages, and cultivation. Soon after
this the road lies between hills thickly wooded, and high grass ; pass
through a defile, the Sukra ghatee, in which is limestone No. 34, intersected
by veins nearly vertical. No. 35, 36, 37, 38, 39. On emerging from this,
there is a considerable open space up to Rajadhar on the Phene nulla,
which is situated at the edge of a very dense jungle and hills. The bed of
this nulla is chiefly large boulders of laterite, and a greenstone No. 40.

Boorla, about 15 miles by the footpath, and about 19 by the road
which the cattle and baggage went.

1840.] March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 893

On leaving Rajadhar the road lies between hills of laterite, close dense
jungle, over a trap hill to Bunder Motee, spring and ghat, where limestone
No. 41, and at the bottom of the descent steatite No. 42, and that with
argillaceous veins No. 43 ; from this the descent is rough and stony, and
just before reaching the stream Brinjuree, or Murrum Joree, the syenite
No. 44, and in the bed of it granite No. 45, 46 ; intermixed are boulders of
No. 40. On arriving at the nulla, bamboos are again observed, and the sal
disappears. From this the road winds up a hill not very steep or long,
pass along a flat, when a long steep stony descent commences, the chief
rock being No. 45, 46 ; at the bottom emerge into a small level plain, the
hills approaching on both sides ; about two miles on the Puraha nulla is cross-
ed, and again a mile or so on, when the road is more open, and the jungle
by no means dense ; in front are a range of small conical shaped hills of no
great height, the ridge of one of which is passed, the first ascent of which is
sandstone No. 47, next in strata running nearly north and south of clay-
slate No. 48, and further on No. 49 of the same formation ; after this the
hills are entirely cleared, and the country is a very extensive open plain
bounded to the north by the low conical bills which we have passed over,
nearly bare or only stunted jungle, and behind, towering above, the line
of the Mekul range. On leaving Rajadhur all the springs and nullas are
feeders of the Mahanuddee. At Boorla is a small circular hill, evidently
a similar formation to the hills last passed over, specimen No. 50.

Pando Tulao, eight miles, a march in the plain; the villages are more
numerous and cultivation is extensive, much of it rice; a spur of the hills
comes down close on this place, the formation of which is limestone No. 51,
and in a small rivulet close to our camp, rocks were projecting at an angle
of 45°, running east and west, and the strata so disposed, as to have
much the appearance, at a short distance, of the scales on the back of the
Manis ; they were limestone No. 52.

Purureea nearly seven miles; the same plain. In this march a fine
stream, the Hamph nulla, the bed of which is a reddish limestone No. 53.
Purureea itself is a large village for this part of the country, the houses
with one single exception (that of the Zemindar's, who was building a brick
edifice) are all built of split bamboos, plastered for the walls, and grass
chuppers.*

Umuldeha, nine miles ; the same open cultivated country. About three
miles on, cross a small nulla from the hills, skirting our left, the bed of
which is limestone No. 54, 55, as also a small circular eminence No. 56 ;

* The cheapness of food here was as unexpected as agreeable to our people.
(In camp 15 Ata 38 in the village.
Seers per Rupee. ■! Ditto, 12 Gram 52 ditto.
(Ditto, 14 Rice 50 ditto.

894 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. [No. 105.

at the next stream, close to the village of Kurpee, the same limestone forms
the bed as at the Kamp nulla No. 53.

Khoorea, nine and three quarter miles. On leaving camp the Agur nulla, the
bed of which is rolled pebbles and sand, is crossed, and the first two miles is
over the plain we have had since Boorla, after which we entered jungle
gradually increasing until it becomes a dense tree (among them the sal
again) and grass forest, all the way to the Munyuree nulla, the bed of
which is granite (with rolled pebbles and sand) as per specimens No 57,
58, 59, 60, 61 ; a little to the left of the ford is the steatite No. 62, strata
running nearly east and west, diagonally crossing the bed of the stream,
also parallel the quartz No 63, 64, in thin laminae. At this place was shot
by Lt. Clement Browne a beautiful squirrel, which Colonel. Sykes named
Sciurus Elphinstonii (As. Jour. vol. i. p. 165 ) ; they are also found in the
Mahadeo hills.

Kutamee, nine and three quarter miles. This march skirts the Munyarie
nulla, and is thick tree and grass jungle, but good road, and slightly ascen-
ding the whole way; the formation is granite and massive quartz, with
exception of the bed of a small nulla which was basalt. At the village
the bed of the Munyarie had ledges of compact basalt running across, and
close to that gneiss No. 65, and higher up hornblende with feldspar No. QQ ;
beyond and below, granite No. 67 and 68.

Lumnee, nine and a quarter miles. This is a bad and difficult march for
cattle and baggage, the road being very stony. We crossed the Munyarie
immediately on leaving camp, and two miles on a bad stony descent to a
small stream, and the ascent not much better ; pass through a dense forest,
the diameter of many of the sal trees was very great. On reaching a
stream about three miles from our camp the road begins to wind up a very
long, and in places steep ghatee. The jungle exceedingly thick, from the
summit of which is an extensive view over the plains we have left. The
formation is primitive rock, at the top mica schist No. 69, and gneiss No.
70, 71. On attaining the summit, bamboos were very luxuriant and dense
for a mile or so, a feature in the scenery not observed in the forest below.
The road now winds along the crests of hills which brings you to a des-
cent of about half a mile (neither so steep or stony as the ascent) into the^
plain of Lumnee ; a few huts constitute the village. JH

Umurkuntuk, the source of the Nerbudda, eleven miles. The bed of the
nulla is trap No 72, and about a mile further a nulla cuts through a hill
of micaceous schist No. 73, and bed of the nulla No. 74. The road now is
a series of ascents and descents covered with jungle ; formation granite
No. 75, mixed with sienite No. 76, 77, 78, 79. At the Bhereeghur nulla,
compact feldspar No. 80, and granite No. 81, compose its bed.

1840.] March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk, 895

The remainder to Putpura nulla, seven miles, primary rocks, the jungle
very thick and dense ; the bed of this nulla is composed of rolled laterite and
trap boulders, lying on granite and quartz, where the rock shows itself ;
half a mile on the Sampghur nulla is crossed twice, a fine stream, and water
most excellent. From it the specimen No. 82 quartz, mica, and feldspar.

On crossing this stream the second time, the ascent of the Jogee ghatee
commences ; formation trap boulders. The ascent is about a mile, in places
steep, but very good for all laden cattle, baring its steepness, there being no
rocky steps or ledges in it ; the whole very dense tree, bamboo, and grass
jungle. To the left, and on the banks of the nulla, tokens of a former site
of a village, evinced by the plantain and mango trees ; with exception of
No. 83 marl, and No. 84 lateritish clay, the whole of the upper part of
the hill is laterite, as specimens No. 85, 86, and the very summit No. 87.
On arriving at the top a fine open plain, with a few trees scattered about,
give a very park-like appearance to the scenery.

I shall now return, and trace the direct road to this holy spot from Ram-
nuggur.

Ramnuggur to Ghooghree thirteen miles ; for the first two miles the open
cultivated plain of the Nerbudda, when you approach hills and enter a
defile with a gradual ascent : about two miles further, you come to a pukka
boulee of the same style as the buildings at Ramnuggur. The road gradu-
ally closes into a few feet, and becomes steeper, the hills on each side ris-
ing up 100 feet above the road. The whole ghatee called Bidee is stony and
bad, with dense bamboo grass and tree jungle infested by tigers. The for-
mation is trap. On attaining the crest at six miles, the road opens out again,
and the hills recede right and left ; the soil is siliceous with quartz (massive
and crystallized) and calcedony strewed about. From hence to Ghoogh-
ree the country is rather open, jungle thin, small hills about, with valleys
and streams, and here and there a Gound village, with patches of cultiva-
tion ; road very good from the crest. The village is rather large for this
part of the country, and on the banks of a very fine brawling stream 200
yards wide, the Boorhner.

Sulwah, nine miles. A mile and half on, cross the Boorhner a short dis-
tance below its junction with the Hullo wn, these united streams are very
considerable feeders of the Nerbudda. The bed is rocky (basalt) ; on leaving
it there is a steep stony ascent ofabouthalf a mile, and a mile and a half fur-
ther another of about 100 yards, which is a spur of the Patungurh hill, the
peak of which towers some seven or eight hundred feet above ; on its sum-
mit there is said to be a spring of water, and many fine trees could be seen.
The crest has some appearance of a fort, and the natives declare it to have
been made by the Deotas ; on passing this hill there is rather an extensive

896 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk, [No. 105.

plain to the south, with a few villages and some cultivation ; the last two
miles the hills gradually close in, and a defile with a gentle ascent is passed
through, to the Tola of Sulwah, the village itself being off to the south-east
about a mile.

Ramgurh, thirteen miles. The first five and a half miles is chiefly over a
bare open undulated plain, crossed by a great number of little rivulets with
a slight ghatee to descend ; the road is then through a defile, along which
flows the Kookrar and Bhurkindee nuUas with lofty hills on each side, covered
with dense jungle grass, bamboos, and trees, a distance of about three miles,
when the Tendoo Ghatee, some 400 yards, is ascended ; pass along table
land, a mile or so when the hills recede, and an extensive valley running
about north and south, not very broad, presents itself, through which rather
a large stream, the Khurmer, flows ; and at the east side and left bank on a
small hill, is Ramgurh, the capital of a rajah, now lord of some 1400 villages ;
with exception of a pukka house, his residence, the village is entirely
bamboo wattling and thatch.

Sumnapoor, nine miles. A good road up the valley of the Khurmer ;
several villages, and much more cultivation of rubbee than we have seen
since leaving the valley of the Nerbudda.

Burbuspoor, six and a half miles. The road is the same as the preceding
for the first two and a half miles, when we enter the hills on our left, and
ascend a trifling ghatee called the Ghooghurwahee ghatee of about 400 yards,
by no means steep, on attaining the crest of which, the aspect and appear-
ance of the country is totally changed, partly from the predominance of the
sal tree, and partly from the greenness of the grass ; pass through a defile
200 yards wide, when the hills recede, and there is an open extensive plain
with the Muchrar flowing through the village on its right bank.

Chukrar nulla, ten miles. Road lies across the valley of the Muchrar,
through cultivation, about two miles, when the hills close in, and the Lud-
wanee ghatee is ascended, not long or steep, but stony; the descent is consi-
derably steeper, but by no means bad for any cattle. On reaching the foot,
skirt the hills on the right, plain level road, there being a large grass plain
to the north ; the last two miles bad and stony trap boulders.

Seeoonee nulla, ten and a half miles. On leaving the nulla small trap hills
are skirted for the first three miles, when you enter a thick jungle and ascend
the Mohtura ghatee, of easy ascent, the descent being steeper, but by no
means difficult ; the road then opens out into an extensive grass plain ; it
is to these grass plains that the thousands of cattle resort from the coun-
try below the ghats during the hot months ; remainder open, constantly
intersected with little streams, and no where did the water appear to be
above a couple of feet below the surface.

1840.] March from Binmhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 89/

Kurunjeea, eleven miles. The first part skirts and passes over some low trap
hills up to the village Bukree, when the country opens out into a very large
grass plain ; the Nerbudda north, distant three or four miles ; cross a stream,
the Toorar, and up to the shoulder of a lofty hill with a conspicuous peak
overlooking the village of Ramnuggur ; remainder open ; Umurkuntuk nine
and half miles. The road lies through a small valley, in which flows the Kur-
mundal with lofty hills on each side, gradually closing in to the entrance of
the pass, which becomes a dense jungle ; the ascent is about a mile, and pretty
steep, but not very bad for cattle ; pass along a ridge where there is a small
grass valley in which is a pool of water, called Hathee Dabur, and on des-
cending a ridge, a spring issues from the head of a ravine, said to be the
source of the Kurmundal nulla. There is a Chabootra, and many plantain
trees at the spot, known by the name of Kurbeer Chabootra ; after this two
ridges are crossed, when you attain the table land, and about half a mile
before reaching the Koond join in with the road from the Jogee ghatee, by
which we ascended in the former march.

I have said but little on the geological formation of this route, for the
reason that it is so simple, and affords so little variety ; the first ghatee,
which is the same range as the Doondoo ghatee, is unvaried basalt, and
so continues the whole way the same formation, the hills and peaks
from Patungurh being capped with laterite, and all the beds of nuUas
basalt; little laterite is seen in the plains until the Tendoo ghatee is
ascended, when the soil is more or less of a reddish colour, and after
ascending Ghooghurwahee ghatee the soil is entirely so ; about Sulwah
and Patun fossil shells, same as those from eighteen miles east of Jabul-
poor, imbedded in indurated clay, are met with, and on the east side of the
Mohtura ghatee is a small conical hill, containing similar shell breccia.
In the latter are found the shell delineated in the Asiatic Journal for
September 1839, plate. — fig. A. 11. originally found on the Pureyl ghat,
which is on the first plateau on the Mekul hills overlooking the plains
of Soohagpoor ; a few bivalves also have been met with in this locality.
Travertin was found near the summit of the Mohtura ghatee, and a red-
dish sandstone formed the bed of the Seeoonee nulla, a mile or so before
its junction with the Nerbudda. With these exceptions laterite resting
on basalt is the characteristic of the country.

The table land of Umurkuntuk constitutes the second plateau of the Me-
kul hills, and is but of small extent, six miles either way would bring you
to a precipitous descent.

East from the Koond, less than a mile, is a bluff rock of basalt, over
which a very small stream trickles with a fall of 252 perpendicular feet, and

898 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk, [No. 105.

which the Bramins assuye you is the Son Bhuder, whereas the latter rises
from a swamp near Pindraee, and the former joins the Arup, one of the feed-
ers of the Mahanuddee. West from the Koond, four ^nd a half miles, is the
first fal of the Nerbudda, 90 feet, over compact basalt No. 90, and called
Kupildhar, after the celebrated Moonee of that name ; ffom the summit of
the hill at Jogee ghat south to the crest of the descent at the Punkhee
ghat north will be under six miles, and from the Kookre Moorghee ghat
(or Ramgurh) to the Amanara ghat, is less, and these points give the
extent of the table land at Umurkuntuk.

The spring at and about which the temples are built, is by no means the
highest spot of the plateau, but I conjecture that where the Koond (which
is a pukka irregular square basin, with steps leading down on every side)
is, it was found that a spring ran all the year round, whereas from the
upper points they generally dried up, as they nearly were when we visited
the spot. The Brahmins have also added legends to these sources ; that
from the east is termed the Sonbhudr, and that from the north the Johilla,
and you are gravely assured by these priests that the streams are running
up the hill, to protect themselves from the fury of Nermada Mae. At the
place are some 60 temples of sizes ; that in which the image of Johilla the
Nain (said to be iron, of which I have strong doubts) is a picturesque one,
and so is another adjoining, of a totally different style to the generality,
but in miniature like those built at Oodeypore and Putharee in Scindea's
country ; the whole of them are built of laterite with which the table land
is capped. Of its height above the level of the sea, Mr. Jenkins the Resi-
dent of Nagpore in his report of that country states it at 3464 feet ; but
Lieut. Waugh and Rennie, who visited it in 1833 en route from Chunar to
Jubulpore, I understand make it near 5000. There is a peculiarity of this
elevation, which T may notice here ; viz. that we were assured by the resi-
dents of the place that it rains throughout the year every third or fourth day.
I have only to say that in two visits made to it, that such was undoubtedly
the case as far as our observation wen,t ; now allowing its height to be that
stated by the engineer officers, on what principle is this humidity to be
accounted for ? The peaks of the Mahadeo hills, Chowradeo, Jutta Shunkur,
Dobghur rising out of the plain of Puchmurree, have an equal altitude,
and nothing of the kind occurs there. Has the geological formation any
thing to say to this meteorological difference? The Mahadeo hills are
sandstone with rolled quartz pebbles, Umurkuntuk entirely laterite rest-
ing on basalt. A register of a thermometer kept by a native in an open
verandah of a temple, from the 12th of April to the 24th June gave the follow-
ing results; unfortunately no attempt was made to note the prevailing windS)
clouds, or rain.

1840.] March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 899

The Min of 18 days of April gave 58 and the Max 90 — med. 74.
Ditto all May „ 62 ditto ditto 94— med. 78.

Ditto 24 days June „ 71 ditto ditto 95 — med. 83.

Near the temple in which is the goddess of this river, is a Beejuck, but so
defaced and broken that little of it could be decyphered by the most zealous
antiquary ; on the floor of an open temple is a small image, which the
pundits assured me was that of Rewa Naick, a Bunjara, to whom
the goddess appeared in a dream, and directed him to clear the site of the
present Koond, then a dense mass of bamboo jungle ; the date Sumbut 922*
is very plain, and is within ten years of the period of the copper plate dug up at
Koombhee, and forwarded by me (Asiatic Journal, for 1839). The animals
met with on the Mekul hills are wild buffaloes, Gour, Sciurus Elphinstonii,
Buceros Malabaricus, and on the table land of Umurkuntuk the solitary
snipe, none of which are generally found in the valley of the Nerbudda
east of Mundlah. I shall now proceed with the notes of the march into
the Sohagpoor plains.

Hurree Tola, nine and a quarter miles. The road from the Koond at Umur-
kuntuk lies in a northerly direction, crossing a ridge of jungle and grass into
a small valley, in which flows the Burat nulla, and at six miles is the crest of
the ghat called the Punkhee ghat ; it is long, but no where steep or difficult,
the whole formation laterite, resting on basalt. On reaching the bottom
you are- in an extensive grass plain, with peaks of the Mekul Hills rising
in the distance ; the village a few huts, with the Johilla river flowing through
the plain at the distance of a mile. The jungle on this side of the hiUs is
not near so dense, or the trees so large, as on the Jogee ghat side ; the sal
trees fewer and smaller.

To Lukhora, thirteen miles. This distance is of one uniform feature, an ex-
tensive undulated grass plain, intersected by streams and springs in every di-
rection, with the Johilla flowing through it, into which all the others run.
The soil laterite, and all the beds of the nuUas compact basalt.

Pureye, fourteen miles. The first 7 miles the country of the same nature as
that on descending from the table land, if any thing rather more undulated;
about seven and a half miles cross the Johilla, a fine stream, the bed is basalt
mixed with some limestone No. 91. At Bouraha village about 9, the grassy
plain may be said to terminate, as the road now becomes a constant series
of bad stony ascents and descents of trap boulders, dense tree and grass jungle;
at thirteen and a half the Backan nulla is passed, its bed of compact basalt, and
lying about boulders of indurated green clay No. 92, and shell breccia No.
93, 94 ; about 50 or 60 yards to the right the nulla passed over a ledge of

* I enclose a transcript made by Captain Wheatly and myself, the explanation given by a pundit
afterwards by no means agreeing with the oral communication on the spot.

5 Y

900 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk, [No. 105.

some 40 or 50 feet, the sides of which had hexagonal basaltic columns ;
from this nulla to camp the whole distance was strewed with the shell
breccia in indurated clay No. 95, 96. The village small, and a dirty looking
tank; it is situated immediately on the verge of the range.

Kyrrha, seven miles. The ghat commences on passing the tank, and is a
very bad, steep, stony descent for about a mile, all large trap boulders,
mixed with some travertin No. 97, after which the real difficulty of the
ghatee is passed ; then follows an inclined plane all limestone No. 98, and
a descent of the same formation, when the level plain is attained ; from the
tank to this is about 3 miles, the road good, strewed with boulders of shell
breccia No. 99 ; cross the Bysaha nulla, sandstone No. 100, and the bed of
the next, the Bygun, was limestone No. 101 ; the village of Kyrrha is on a
sandstone eminence No. 102, 103, 104, 105; with No. 104, chukies (stone
hand-mills) are made here.

Singpoor, six and a half miles. On leaving camp the Surpa nulla is crossed,
the bed of which is a white very friable sandstone, the road good, some tri-
fling nuUas passed, all sandstone similar to that of the Surpa. In one or
two places trap was seen overlying the sandstone ; shortly before getting
to our ground, the sandstone deepens much in colour, specimens No. 105,
106 being reddish. At this village are seen some fine sculpture brought,
we were told, from Urjollee, a kos or two distant; the temple from which
they were procured must have been a magnificent one. There are the
remains of an old palace here, the pillars of which came from that place.

Sohagpoor, nine and a half miles. A good road the whole way, sandstone, no
village seen, chiefly sal forest, but never very thick or the trees large, as
you approach, more open ; the fort a small ghurree, town small, but there
are remains of former size and grandeur by the numerous tanks, remains
of temples, buildings, &c. One old temple is finely sculptured in the style
of the Oodeypoor one north of Bhilsa; adjoining is a square Koond sacred
to Mahadeo, and at the distance of a quarter of a mile an eminence on which
lie very extensive ruins of a temple ; a large image of Boudh was almost the
only distinguishable piece of sculpture left. The natives assigned the name
of some Rakhshus to this giant, which I have forgotten.

Putpura nulla, eleven miles ; good road, but a very uninteresting coun-
try, few villages or signs of cultivation ; the soil is sandstone, beds of the
NuUas as at Kyrrha No. 105; passed the shoulder of ahiU trap, when the
hills close in, the great Mekul range to the south, and a low range in front,
and to the right water very near the surface.

Palee, ten miles. On leaving camp enter rather thick jungle, road hilly
and stony, cross a ridge called Moorcha Pahar, sandstone No. 108, so
named from having the appearance of an entrenchment, then hilly ground

1840.J March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 901

for four or five miles, when the road lies between two conical hills, Kimrae,
No. 109, basalt, and so at the nulla of the same name No. 110, when
the country is more open, trees chiefly sal, and some of good size. Ghoo-
raree nulla sandstone No. Ill, more compact than that at Khyrra Palee,
all sandstone, and near a small tank adjoining the village there are ruins of
a very large temple; the only image taken care of is that of Doorga slaying
the giant Mahekhasoor, which is housed under a small hut, and from oil and
attention is in fine preservation ; in a westerly direction, about one and a half
miles, we came to the Johilla river again, which was crossed, before above
the ghat, and in its bed were traces of coal as per specimens No. 112; 113
is the sandstone forming the banks of the river. The bed, chiefly trap
boulders, among which are those of syenite No. 115, large masses of a soft
sandstone, with pyrites imbedded No. 116, sandstone and shale No. 117, and
anthracite No. 118. On the top of the bank were boulders of shell
breccia No. 119. Goohparoo 10 J miles, road good all the way; about
three and a half cross the Johilla river, a considerable stream, rather stony
and bad ; cross the Goorchut nulla, a sandstone conglomerate No. 120, after
which a dreary plain up to Goohparoo, a very conspicuous peak ; the circuit
(W. N. W. two or three miles) to round which, and another two marches on,
causes us to make so much northing of west.

Oomureea, eight miles. The first part of this march is jungly and stony,
leading over a smaU ridge, about the middle of which is the Putpuree
nulla (limestone No. 121,) and the boundary of our and the Rewah state;
some distance on large blocks of limestone rise up in very irregular shapes,
which are called Baynsa Dadur, No. 122, from thence a slight descent into
a plain with small conical hills of basalt as at Kerantal, No. 123 ; the beds
of the nullas are sandstone, as at Khyrra. Rather a large stream, the
Oomrar, divides the villages of Gomureea and Khulesur, all sandstone. In
a small nulla about two miles oif, called the Manhunha, which runs into
the Oomrar, traces of coal are found, as per specimen No. 124, sandstone
125. The bed of the nulla here is called Debee Koond, slate 126, from the
circumstance of some forty years ago a fire having sprung out and consumed
a Semul tree, and which spot has continued at intervals of every four or
five years to emit a flame ; I have no doubt that some similar trick as that
described by Captain Kittoe is played off* by the Bramins on discovering
that the stone would burn.

Koureea, thirteen and a half miles. The road for the first four miles is hilly
and stony, thin jungle, all sandstone, then an open cultivated plain up to
some low hills of primitive formation, syenite No. 127, 128 ; cross the Nursaha
nulla, the bed of which is granite No. 129, 130, winding through low hills
round the shoulder of a small hill at the Sunreha nulla which and the bed

902 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. [No. 105.

are sandstone No. 131 ; soon after cross the Muchrar nulla (?) No. 132, and
pass between two conspicuous conical hills of trap to the Kirchola nulla, to
the right or north of which is a Koond, where an annual fair is held ; it
derives its sanctity from the austerities practised by Purutkal, a son of
Brahma. In days of yore the village is said to have been a very considerable
one. Our ground was distant about a mile, on a sandstone eminence,
with a large tank, the village a good sized one ; this and the last march
both in the Rewah territory.

About two miles in a northerly direction crossing a ridge of— ? No.
133; there is an extremely picturesque cascade of the Muchrar nulla over
a sandstone rock, with veins on the upper part of indurated clay, as per
specimens No. 134, 135, 136, 137.

Khuntera, near the Mahanuddee river, eight miles. The course of this
march lay considerably to the south of west ; as at Koureea a very conspi-
cuous peak called Bhangraj is rounded, road good, and chiefly through culti-
vation ; about six miles crossed the Mahanuddee a considerable river, its
banks are sandstone No. 138, and its bed rolled boulders of trap. The
soil was decomposed trap, and the small hills about the same.

Dheemurkherie, thirteen miles. The road on passing Khuntera lies through
jungle not very thick, and chiefly between two low ranges, the formation of
which is limestone No. 139. The Kirha nulla is crossed three or four times,
after which a ridge of the hills called Chiraebhar is passed over, of the same
formation, and so continues up to the Kukraha nulla. From thence the road
is fine cultivated plain of black soil, with trap hills about ; Khoombhee
about nine miles. Road through fine cultivated land, with large villages up
to the ravines, and small hills on the banks of the Heron which arelaterite ;
at this point terminates my notes on the marches.

Before concluding, I may make some general remarks on the geological
features of the Mekul hills, three sides of which we had an opportunity of
examining.

On passing along the south face, after descending the Rajadhar ghat, we
find that limestone is the predominant rock, all the beds of the nuUas
and the lower part of the range up to Kuttame being so, and from thence
to the foot of the Jogee ghat, granite, syenite, and gneiss, characterized
also by an extreme dense forest jungle, the trees of which, especially
sal, are many of them magnificent. On the other, or northern face, with
exception of some limestone at the last descent of the Purey ghat, the
prevailing rock of the Sohagpoor plains is sandstone, some trap occa-
sionally shewing itself in beds of nuUas, and small conical hills rising out
of the plain. The jungle on this side is never dense, and the trees com-
paratively stunted. The upper part of the range is uniformly basalt, capped

1840.] March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk.

903

with laterite ; a good view is afforded at the eastern point of the bluff rock
at Umurkuntuk overlooking the country towards Ruttunpoor, and again at
the fall of Kupildhar, where the Nerbudda cuts through the laterite, ex-
posing the compact basalt.

Fossil shells were found under Patungurh, east of the Mohtura ghat,
and just above the Purey ghat.

In addition to the traces of coal noted in the route as found in the bed of
the Johilla river near Palee, and in a small nulla near Khulesar Omareea
of Rewah, Mr. Fraser had intelligence from natives of coal being found
across the Soan in two small nuUas called the Hewye and Buroona nuUas,
near the village of Sonhegaon in Sohagpoor district, specimens of which
accompany the present series.

In conclusion, I beg to forward the route from Umurkuntuk to Jubulpore,
as received from Lieutenants Waugh and Rennie, who in 1833 came across
the country from Chunar to this.
M. F.

Bad ghat, road good, village small.

Road good, village fair.

Road bad.

Road fair, stony.

Ditto.

A ghat, village pretty fair or large.

Road fair, village small.

Road bad, village fair.

Road good, large village (a tacoor.)

Stream, Road not good, village small.

Road good (from this tank rises the Heron)
Road very good, village small.
Road good.

Total, 132 2
Jubulpore, bth October, 1840.

Kurrunjeeah, ...

9 0

Nulla,

Kudjurwar, ...

8 4

Tank,

Kunjunpoor, ...

12 6

Nulla,

Jhilmilla,

7 0

Ditto,

Beedaipoor, ...

12 3

Ditto,

Saipoor,

8 0

Tank,

Oodhar nulla, . .

9 0

Nulla,

Burgaon,

10 0

Ditto,

Shaipoora,

3 6

Tank,

Serwae on the

Mahanuddee,

11 3

Stream

Koondum,

12 0

Tank,

Unyher,

16 4

Well,

Jubulpoor,

12 0

Note. — The inscription copied by Dr. Spilsbury is not of consequence,
being, it would appear, a mere record of the name of the decorator of the
place, a private person. I have not published a translation of it, as my
Pundit was by no means confident of his rendering, the original not being
correct. ill

904

Notice of Amulets in use hy the Trans- Himalayan Boodhists. — By
W. E. Carte, Esq.

Note. — The kindness of W. E. Carte, Esq. (Surgeon 69tli Regiment N. T.)
enables me to lay before my readers the accompanying lithographs, with
a note of explanation by our Librarian. Mr. Carte's ingenious interpreta-
tion of the effigies on the scrolls, was necessarily limited by his not having
the means of interpreting the writing which accompanied them : I have
therefore omitted it. I owe to his contribution a singular discovery
connected with the rings, to which Mr. Carte alludes. The reference made
by him, induced me to examine them more closely with reference to
their relation to emblems in use with Tartar nations, and the result goes
I think to establish fair grounds for believing that they are no other
than specimens of an ancient Chinese currency, brought doubtless by
the Boodhist pilgrims from China into Afghanistan. I hope to submit a
further paper shortly on the gems and antiques from the late Capt. Conelly's
collection, when I shall be able to state my impressions more at length.

ft

** Almora, 3 1st August, 1840.

*' The accompanying scrolls were obtained by me at Rampoor (near
Kotghur) in 1838, from some of the nomadic Tartars who visit that
place for the purpose of traffic. The scrolls were enclosed in small
copper cylindrical cases, with rings attached, and by means of a string
worn round the neck, perhaps as amulets. I have in vain endeavour-
ed to have the printed, or written parts, decyphered. The Brahmins at
this place avre, that they are in the Sanscrit language, though Tibetan
character; and as Boodic mysteries, were regarded by them with so
much superstitious aversion, not to say horror, that they would not
assist in expounding such heterodox symbols.

" I am now induced to forward them to you, from the similarity which
some of the figures delineated in them bear to those on the copper
ring, described in No. 14, Plate 2, Fig. 17, of the Journal Asiatic
Society, as you will I think immediately perceive on comparison. The
hand in Fig. 10, Plate 1, is also conspicuous, and perhaps further
coincidences may occur to a more experienced eye than mine."

1840.] Trans- Himalayan Boodhist Amulets, 905

Remarks on the above. By Csoma de Koros, Esq. Librarian to the

Asiatic Society.

With reference to the two scrolls which were sent to you from
Almora, and which you had left with me, together with a letter from
Mr. W. E. Carte, on the 1 7th ultimo, I beg leave to inform you that both
contain abstracts of some larger Tantrika works, or religious treatises,
in Tibetan, interspersed with mantras in Sanscrit. The first paper,
eight feet five inches long, of which the figures take two feet five
inches, and the text six feet, contains 244 lines (two and a half inches
long each) in printed Tibetan character. I cannot exactly tell you
what the figures may represent, but I think the first is the regent, or
ruler of the year, figured by a victorious king. The second is a tortoise,
with nine spots on the belly, representing the lucky and unlucky periods,
accordingly as the moon is affected by the planets and constellations,
during her daily progress in her path. Then come the twelve animals,
after which the years of the cycle of twelve years are called, opposite
one to another, thus : the rat or mouse and ox ; tiger and hare ; dragon
and serpent ; horse and sheep, or ram ; ape and bird ; the dog and hog.
Then the amphora and pices, for the twelve zodiacal signs ; — signs of
four planets, as the sun and moon, for all the rest. Then representations
of the four, eight, and ten corners of the world. A king, h's minister,
horse, elephant, soldier, sun, moon, eye, ass, &c. Afterwards, from the
head of a bird downwards, in. two lines, there are Chinese symbolical
figures, or characters, having perhaps the same meaning as the figures
above designed. These symbolical characters were used 200 years
before Jesus Christ, under the Han dynasty ; the Tibetans now also use
them on large square seals.

There are on this paper five different abridged Tantrika works, or
siitras, under distinct titles, the Sanscrit being generally erroneously
written.

1. Contents of the first sutra. The salutation, only in Sanscrit,
thus: Namo Shri Kalachakraye (which should be thus: Namas Shri
Kdlachakraya. English : " Salutation to the circle of Time." The year,
month, day, and hour, are figured by a prince, minister, soldier, and
weapon. All the regents of the year, month, day, and hour ; those of
the planets, constellations, stars, Nagas, and imps are requested to
look on these symbolical figures, and be favourable to the person who

906 Trans- Himalayan Boodhist Amulets. [No. 105.

wears or carries with him these symbols and mystical prayers, that
he may succeed in every undertaking. Many particular businesses or
works (religious, sacrificial, civil, and economical) are here enumerated,
and all classes of divinity are requested not to hinder him in any of
his occupations, but to assist him, that he may increase in prosperity,
and see all his works accomplished. Here also occur some mantras ;
that, at the end being thus : Om ! SupratiiMha Vajraye- Swdhdy
Mangalam.

2. The second work contains in Sanscrit, short addresses to Shakya
Muni, to Vagishwari, to Manipadme, to Vajra Pani, and to Vajra Guru,
Padma Siddhi.

3. The third contains one sloka and a half, in Tibetan, with a mystical
formula in Sanscrit, on the melodious recital of the several attributes of
Manju Shri, (in Tibetan, Jam-pal) the god of wisdom. — It is pretended
that this short sutra, taught by Shakya himself, and buried under
ground in the country of Lho-brag, in Tibet, by Padma Sambhava
in the 9th century after Jesus Christ, was taken out and divulged by
Guru Chos-kyi d,Vang phyug.

4. This is called the venerable sutra, dispelling the darkness of the ten
corners of the world. The salutation is especially addressed to Jam-
pal (Manju Shri, in Sans.) and to the ten Buddhas in the ten corners
of the world. In each of the ten corners of the world (four cardinal,
four intermediate, the Zenith and Nadir) fancifully is named a Buddha
province, with a fancied Buddha in it. To each of them successively
is addressed a set form of salutation, with a short request, thus :
" If I go towards that corner, after having obtained my aim, grant
that I may quickly return home." Again a request to those Buddhas,
that he who carries with him this s(itra, may obtain, together with his
family, similar blessings to those granted to a handsome faced youth
by Shakya, when he first taught him this sutra. Then follow some man-
tras. Lastly, is stated by whom, and in what part of Tibet this sutra,
was found, and taken out from under-ground.

5. This is styled the " Sutra of eight lights." The salutation is ad-
dressed to Buddha, religion, and holy priests, &c. There are several
mantras, or physical formulae in Sanscrit, to avert any unlucky
year, month, day, and hour, the influence of any malignant planet or
star. Other mantras for preventing any unlucky accident before and

J'lc</:e/'' Prtu/er/ Hr/i

I P

J

jKale J^ --^^ Iru^JAdKrM CviduNu (J

3

1 jj^qii

MM

Jfa.t-„u>,^A^l.itkf'res-s S<*lUii^VO<?.

J

rlj'^0 J "^ ■- MatwjcnJUTivU

1840.] Trans-Himalayan Boodhist Amulets. 907

after noon. Then follow several other mystical prayers for averting
any evil or calamity, intended by Tshangs-pa (Sans. Brahm4) by the
great god (Sans. Maha Deva). Then follows a prayer, that by the re-
petition of the mantras all evil spirits may be driven away, all hostile
troops defeated, and that every wish may be accomplished. State-
ment of the place where this Sutra was found under the ground. The
conclusion is with this mantra ; " Om ! Vajra Chan' da Mahd Roshana
Hum, Phat. Namas CharUda Vajra Krodhdya, Hulu Huluy Tishtha
Tishthay Bandha Bandha, Hana Hana, Armati Hum, Phat,
Mangalm''

The second paper (four feet eight inches long, together with the figures
of the twelve animals, after which the years in the cycle of twelve years
are denominated) contains, in 121 lines three inches long each, a
manuscript copy of the two last numbers of the former paper, also a
rough sketch of the nine spots on the belly of a tortoise, in a square ;
and afterwards, successively downwards, the figures of the twelve
animals of the cycle of twelve years. The writing may easily be read,
but the orthography is bad, and the Sanscrit titles and mantras have been
erroneously transcribed.

This is the sum of the general contents of the two scrolls worn by
the Tibetans as amulets for obtaining the favour of particular divinities,
and for averting all kinds of evil spirits.

Report on the Country between Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde.
By Capt E. P. De la Hoste, Assistant Quarter -Master General,

This portion of Scinde contains a space of 6,934 square miles ; the
position of the above places being as follows —

Latitude. Longitude.

Kurrachee, 24° 47' 17" 67° 0' 51"

Tatta, 24° 45' 0" 67° 59' 0"

Sehwan, 2Q° 22' 0" 68° 7' 52"

The soil may be considered as generally light clay, although in some
Soil and Inhabitants, places there is a good deal of sand, and in others
sandstones and pebbles, mixed with the soil. The former is in general
the formation of the lower parts, whilst of the latter, the hilly tracts
are composed. Where irrigated and manured, this soil is very productive,
but except in the vicinity of the river Indus there is little or no cul-

5 z

908 Report on the Country between [No. 105.

tivation in the whole of the country under description. Indeed, with
exception of the large towns above mentioned, and those permanent
villages along the right bank of the Indus from Tatta to Sehwan, with
Gharra and Gooja, there are no fixed villages within the limits ; the in-
habitants are consequently iew, and are chiefly employed in tending large
flocks of sheep and goats, camels, and buffaloes, in which their wealth
consists. Their habitations are as rude as their appearance, being com-
posed of a kind of matting or tattle, made from a reed called puk or
punkah ; these resemble the huts seen in many parts of India, in the
outskirts of villages, in which Wanggries and Kolatnees reside ; the reed
there is called soilkee ; when properly made their tatties keep out the
rain and dust in a wonderful manner. The puk or punkah used in
Scinde is of a much larger size, and of a dark brown colour ; it is
easily rolled up when the shepherds require to move, which they do
according as the grass and water become expended. These people, (it
will be remembered I speak of the wandering tribes,) are Belooches,
Jokias, and Soomries.

The Belooches occupy a portion of the country which would be des-
cribed by a line being drawn from the end of the Jutteel Hills to Tatta.
The Jokias, the country between Tatta and Kurrachee. And the Soom-
ries the remaining part of the district.

The former are insolent and thievishly inclined, being Scindim
Belooches, and patronised by the rulers of the country.

The Jokias are well disposed ; and the Soomries a quiet, inoffensiv(
race, in this part of the country, whatever they may be elsewhere.

From the inquiries I have instituted, I do not believe that the
amount of population in this part of Scinde (the large permanent
villages and towns not included) exceeds 5 or 6000. Their fooc
is chiefly meat ; grain is little used, a substitute is found for it by dry-
ing and pounding a berry called beir, which is mixed with water, an(
packed away in pots ; this with sour milk as a beverage, is what the}
exist on. They derive some profit from the coarse nummuds made
from the wool of their goats and sheep ; as also, since our arrival, fror
the quantity of the puk tattas* and mats that have been disposed
of by them.

* These Tattas are not made by the Soomries, but by the Seks and Lubannas.-
E.P.D.

J 840.] Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde, 909

The Revenue derived from this part of Scinde by the Ameers is re-
Kevenue. alised chiefly at Kurrachee, which alone pays yearly one
lac of Rupees, out of which the following sums are paid —
Saduk Shah Newaub, ...
14 Beloochee (Jukia) Sepoys,
4 Golundauze,
1 Jemedar and 20 Sepoys,
Naqua Jemadar of Kelafsees,
Alia Rukka Jemadar,
Tukchund,
AbbasaliShaw,
Kurrumchund,
2 Moonshees,
Inferior Ditto,

2 Peons for collecting taxes on the Mahamios (fisher-
men)
Writers and Sepoys for the Port
2 Durwans (door-keepers at Mitta and Kara Gates,)

2 Attendants at principal Police station,
Peon over Moochees, .. .
Paymaster (Receiver)
Stationary,
Oil, ...

3 Syyuds, Pensioners,

12x

Annual Expenditure,

Expenses allowed annually in Fort Munoora, formerly, 1,344

Sepoys (20) at 5 Rupees, 100

Water for above, 12

180

0

0

100

0

0^

20

0

0

120

0

0

17

0

0

35

0

0

35

0

0

25

0

0

37

0

0

24

0

0

5

0

0

16

0

0

19

0

0

11

0

0

7

0

0

4

0

0

7

8

0

7

8

0

2

8

0

24

8

0

724

8

0

3,694

0

0

1,344

0

0

112 + 12

10,038 0 0
Annual Gift to Muggar Peer, 107 0 0

10,145 0 0

910 Report on the Country between [No. 105.

The amount thus realised from Kurrachee is the produce of the land
and sea customs, there being little or no revenue derived from the
soil.

I can form no idea here of what the revenue of Tatta and Sehwan
may be ; the tax on the " Mahamios," or fishermen on the Indus, is a
considerable source of wealth to the rulers of the country.*

The only Rivers of any note in this tract are the Hubb, (which rises

Rivers, near Zehrey, and enters the sea, west of Cape Monge)
and the Barran ; the others, consisting of the Mulleere Hurchee, Leaeer,
Kowranee, Rooah, Peepree, Goorban, Murraie, Pokun, Warkees, Kay-
jooree, and Doombeh, are all mountain streams, dry the greater part of
the year, but water always found by digging a few feet in their
beds. I am led to believe that a sufficient quantity might be
readily obtained (by excavating large pools in the rivers) for irri-
gation, were the excessive taxation abolished, and greater protec-
tion afforded the cultivators. This is a matter of serious consideration
on the route from hence to Sehwan direct, as the great difficulty
now to be overcome, is the want of supplies on the line of route.
In the Pokun Kayjooree, or Doobee (the same rivers, only at different
points, so called from halting places) water would not be found
probably without great labour, but were holes or pits made, the
water would remain in them. Their beds are rocky, the others sandy.

The Hubb has been traced from the Pubb hill to the sea, a distance

Hubb. of fourteen and a half miles, throughout which a depth
of water of eight inches in the month of September was found,
and in some places deep pools, abounding with fish and alligators. The
river is said never to fall even in the driest seasons, and is the chief
resort of the Soomries and Belooches. This does not appear to be
the description of a Jine river^ but in this part of Scinde a running
stream (except after rain) is seldom met with.

The Hubb enters the sea west of Cape Monge (Mooaree) and be-
tween it and the island of Churna or Churn. It rises near Zehrie, and
has been traced from near Hoja Jamote, in the route to which place
a description of it is given.

The Barran rises in a mountain called Kirter, north-west of
Barran. Humlanee thirty coss, and joins the Indus two and a

* In preparation — E.P.D.

1840.] Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde* 911

half furlongs south of Kotree ; for one mile from its junction with the
great river it contains a good deal of water. It is laid down on the
route from Kurrachee to Hyderabad direct.

The streams are frequently called after the tribes that are in the
habit of residing on their banks, and indeed the villages or camps also
derive their names from the same source ; " Hoja Jamote," " Hoja," the
chief of that party, and " Jamote/' the name of the tribe, " Shah tra Gote,"
^'Muhumud Khan ke Tando," are of this derivation.

Hills are numerous in the northern and north-east portion of this

Hills, tract, and it will be easy to trace them by reference to the map.

The ranges are —

1 . The nearest to Kurrachee, ending in Cape Monge.

2. The Pubb range, of which that mountain is the highest point.

3. The Sahkan Hill ; the Morethe ; and Har More Pubb.

4. Jutteel Lukki, Karra, and a number of other detached hills, which
bear the names given them in the map. It will be seen that the Lu-
kki mountains do not hold the place assigned them in most of the maps.
They run from the Jutteel range nearly south-west towards JHydera-
bad, and from the Lukki pass (the town of Lukki near the pass pro-
bably, gives it the name of Lukki) by projecting into the Indus. This
pass is now nearly destroyed by the force of the current of the river,
and probably next year will not exist. In these hills hot springs
are found, also alum and sulphur. The fort of Runnei, which I shall
have occasion to describe hereafter, is situated hereabouts.

The Jutteel run nearly south-west from Sehwan, are very lofty and
Jutteel. steep ; they extend to Dooba, or Domba, sixty-six miles,
and the road direct from Kurrachee to Sehwan runs between them
and another range, equally high.

It may be said that the tract of country from Soameanee to Sehwan,
and from thence to Kurrachee, contains scarcely any thing but hills
and mountain streams. Lead, antimony, alum, sulphur, and copper, are
found in these hills.

The forts are Munoora, Runnie, near the Indus ; Bamboor, near
Forts. Gharra, Killa Kote, near Tatta ; the old castle called Kaffer
Killa, near Sehwan.

Munoora will be found described in the report by Captain Harris
Munoora. and myself on Kurrachee.

912 Report on the Country between ("No. 105.

Runnie ka Kote is situated two and a half coss from Sunn, a town of
Runnie. about 100 houses, on the right bank of the Indus. It
was built by Meer Kurrum Ali, and his brother Meer Morad Ali
twenty-seven years ago, cost twelve lacs of rupees, and has never
been inhabited in consequence of there being a scarcity of water in
and near it. That so large a fort should have been constructed with-
out its having been ascertained beforehand that an article so indis-
pensably requisite, not only for the use of naan, but even for the con-
struction of the walls, was wanting, seems most extraordinary ; but I am
told that this is the sole reason for its having been abandoned. A
rapid stream in the rains runs past it and joins the Indus, and by a
deviation from its course, part of the walls of this fort have been de-
stroyed. The hill on the north face is the steepest, and from the in-
telligence I received, must be at least 800 or 1000 feet high ; the op-
posite hill is of considerable height, and the east and west walls are
built on level ground, and join those constructed on the hills ; the whole
is of stone and chunam, forming an irregular pentagon, and enclosing
a space capable of containing 2000 men.

The course of the river (which I believe to be that described by me
in the account of Scinde, written in 1832 as Sunn river) ran formerly
round the base of the north face, but about twelve years ago it changed
its course, and destroyed part of the north-west wall, the distance
from that wall to the river being about 400 yards ; the bed of the
river (original course) is described as rocky ; if so, nothing could
be more easy than to deepen it at the point where it has taken a turn,
and construct a tunnel from thence to the fort, and below the wall
(which must be rebuilt on arches) an excavation made inside, to receive
the water, and a supply would be secured. It is not surprising however
that this idea has not occurred to those who originally built the place,
without considering from whence water was to be obtained. The fort is
thirty-eight coss from Kurrachee. I have a survey of the route to
within twenty-seven coss of it, and shall endeavour to get a rough survey
of the fort, as it might be of use as a station for our troops. The
Ameers, I am told, would gladly give it up, considering it of no valtte
from the cause stated.

Bambour is in the Gharra creek; it is scarcely distinguishable now, and
Bambour. is reported to have been the site of a Kaffir city and fort.

1

1840.] Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde, 913

Killa ka Kote is three miles south of Tatta (built by the Newabs
Killa ka Kote. from Delhi, it is said.)

There are several traditions respecting it; 1 take the following
Kaffir Killa. accouut and sketch of it from my Journal, kept during
the Scinde Mission, April 14, 1832.

'' This evening we landed near the town of Sehwan, and after visiting
a ruined Eadgah, which at a distance we mistook for the fort built by
Alexander, or rather said to have been built by him, we discovered
by the aid of two Scindians that the mound was north-west of the town,
through a part of which we walked and ascended the fort. It is an
artificial mound, eighty or ninety paces high ; on the top, a space of 1 500
feet by 800 surrounded by a broken wall ; we examined the remains
of several old towers of brick, and I took a hasty sketch of the gateway,
which is remarkably lofty. The mound is evidently artificial, and the
remains of several towers visible. The brickwork seems to extend to
the bottom of the mound, or at any rate to a considerable depth, as we
could see down the parts washed away by the rains. A well filled up,
was observed. We were told that coins and medals were frequently found
on and near the place, but we were not so fortunate as to obtain any."

I regret now having had so little time to devote to the examination
of this fort, but think the period of its construction is not of so an-
cient a date as is ascribed to it.

The resources of the country, as far as grain, cloth, &c. are concerned,

Resources, are drawn from the large towns near the river, and its vici-
nity. Cattle, sheep, goats, and camels, are abundant in the desert tract.

Grain is brought from Tatta and Sehwan ; bajary, wheat, and rice,
principally brought from Larkhanna. Grass is abundant along the
river, and in the hills N. E. of Kurrachee. A supply should be cut
and stacked in September and October,^ for the Scindians merely bring
in the daily supply.

At Tatta — cloth, loongies, and carpets ; at Sehwan, carpets, and the

Manufactures, caps worn by the Scindians at Kurrachee. I am in-
formed many articles of the same sort are made.

Skins and hides, raw and tanned, are exported to Arabia and Bom-
bay. The report on Kurrachee includes this subject.

The only one near Kurrachee is the Peer Munjah Musjeia, and
Curiosities, hot springs, 9 miles N.E. of Kurrachee. The hot

914 Report on the Country between [No. 105.

springs abound with alligators, and a most disgusting sight they are ;
there are, it is said, upwards of 200 of them, in a small space scarcely
1 20 yards in circumference, some very large ; their appearance basking
in the sun is not unlike a dried date tree. This place has been well
described by Lieutenant Carloss, Indian Navy.

The climate of Lower Scinde, out of the influence of the sea breeze,

Climate, is bad during the months of August, September, October,
and November ; fevers are then very prevalent, and of a very dan-
gerous and obstinate nature. The fact of the whole of the 26th
regiment having suffered from fever, (2 Officers and one Havildar only
excepted), 3 European Officers, and nearly 100 men having died this
season, is sufficient proof of the unhealthiness of the climate in these
months, within the influence of the malaria arising from the inundated
lands. Sehwan is not better I fear, for, from its situation it is equally
open to miasma from the marshes S. W. of it, and the inundated
country N. and N. E. ; most of our people who have been there have
been attacked with fever.

Kurrachee has been healthy, and the climate mild and temperate; the
cold bracing, but not severe hitherto, (16th December), a point which
may be of importance in fixing the site of the cantonment for the
troops remaining in Scinde.

The roads in this part of Scinde are, as in most others, mere foot
Koutes. paths, wheeled carriages being unknown ; better are scarcely
necessary. Surveys have been made of the following : —

Kurrachee to Tatta ;

„ to Sehwan ;

„ to Kotree ;

,, to Hubb River, and along its bank to the sea ;

,, to Fort Munoora by land ;

,, to Hoja Jamote ;

„ to Mujjah Veer ;

5, to Gisiey Creek ;

these have been performed by two guides, Oree Sing and Essoo
Rama, and my private guide, Kenkaya Mahadavia ; and a survey of our
camp, and the country near it, by Capt. Boyd, who acted for me
during my absence on sick certificate.

1840.] Kurracheef Tatta^ and Sehwan, Scinde. 915

The following remarks were drawn up by me in transmitting copies
of the routes to Bombay : —

The routes forwarded by this day's post, December 15th, are of consi-
derable importance, since they shew the present state of the country on
the right bank of the Indus, from Sehwan to the sea; from which it will
be observed, that in a line of road extending in one instance 140 miles,
and in another 96, not one single permanent village has been met with,
although no scarcity of water exists ; various causes are assigned for
this desolation. The revenue of the country is reduced to that realized
at Kurrachee, which averages one lac of Rupees.

The route from hence to Hyderabad via Kotree has been lately
travelled by Lieutenant and Mrs. Travers, and by Lieutenant Franklin,
2nd Grenadiers, and his detachment of 60 rank and file. No difficulty
has been experienced; supplies of grain and food were taken from hence ;
sheep, and goats are procurable on the line of route. The country is
quiet, and the few people met with civil and inoffensive ; water is found
in the beds of the rivers by digging a few feet.

The above remarks are equally applicable to the route from hence
to Sehwan, which is however of greater importance than the former,
since it opens a direct communication with the interior of Scinde.

To the merchants the discovery of this route is of the greatest value,
since, by pursuing it, they avoid the delay and danger of entering and
tracking up the Indus to Sehwan, a journey of at least one month;
which can be performed in ten days from Kurrachee. The water com-
munication from Sehwan to Larkana, and to the Indus by the Arul and
Narra, is highly advantageous, since the rapid current is avoided, which
is an obstacle in the Indus.

The route from Kurrachee to Hoja Jamote, in the vicinity of Kanaraj
river, has proved the existence there of lead and antimony. The in-
formation I have obtained in consequence, of the existence of copper
near Beyla, is also of importance ; and may hereafter be turned to
account.

It remains only for me to speak of the boats and boatmen, the

Boats and Boatmen. harbour of Kurrachee having been described in
a former report. The boatmen are all Mahomedans, and called Moanas.
They are respectable and hardy fellows, and not of the same description
as the Mohannas of Upper Scinde, and on the river. The wives of the

6 A

916 Report on the Country between Kurrachee, ^c. [No. 105.

latter are called Koblee, and are not remarkable for their fidelity, a point
which causes their husbands to be looked down on.

The tonnage for boats on the river is calculated by a measure called
Kharar,* which in the measurement of boats is equal to three Bombay
candies, making the Kharar — lbs. English.

But at Kurrachee the tonnage is calculated in candies. The follow-
ing measures are in use at Kurrachee. Four Chotallo, one Pattee ; six-
teen Pattee, one Kassa ; sixty Kassa one Kharar ; one Kharar, ninety
Bombay maunds.

In measuring grain the Kharar varies in size, thus ; bajery and wheat
three and a half candies one kharar; rice, three and a three-quarter
candies one kharar.

Description of Boats belonging to the harbour of Kurrachee.

Kotia. — The Kotia resembles botells used in India, it has a flat stern
and round bottom, and does not fall over much, when ground.

Dinjee. — The Dinjee is sharp bowed, bottom, and stern, and must
be supported by props when aground, like the pallymar used in India,
excepting having a high stem or poop.

The former are heavy sailers, the latter speedy.
Camp Kurrachee,

December 26th, 1839.

Narrative of facts attending the Wreck of the Transport ^^ Indian OaK
on the Loochoo Islands ; communicated from the Political Secrata-
riat Office^ Government of India.

To C. B. Gkeenlaw, Esq.,

Secretary to the Marine Boards Calcutta.
Sir,

The last letter I had the honor to forward to your address, was from
Singapore, dated 23rd June; on the following day I sailed for Macao in
the transport " Hooghly," taking with me the transport " Clifton," as
directed by His Excellency the Admiral and Commander-in-Chief ; and
arrived with the above ships at Macao on the 12th July, where I received
further instructions to proceed with the ships under my orders to Chu-

* ** Khur waw " literally.

1840.] Wreck of the Transport " Indian" Oak, 917

san, and arrived at the latter port on the 28th July, where I joined the
Admiral and fleet. His Excellency the Admiral directed me to return
to Singapore, and assume the duties of Resident Agent for transports
at that port ; in pursuance of which, I was directed by Commodore Sir
J. J. G. Bremer to join the transport " Indian Oak" for a passage to the
latter place. We sailed from Chusan on the 10th of August, and on
the 14th instant following, I regret to say, were wrecked on the Great
Loochoo Island, in lat. 26° 21' 46" N., about 10 miles to the north-
ward of the principal place, Napakiang ; and longitude by the " Indian
Oak's" chronometer 127° 12' 45" E., which now proved to have been full
thirty miles too far west. For particulars, I cannot do better than refer
you to the enclosed copy of a letter addressed to Commodore Sir J. J. G.
Bremer, forwarded through the chief officer, Mr. Field, who succeeded
in making Chusan in the launch, and returned to our relief with H. M's.
ships " Nimrod" and " Cruizer" on the 16th September. As the junk
mentioned in my letter to the Commodore had been built, and nearly
completed, in which it was our intention to have proceeded to Singapore,
Captain Barlow, senior officer, was of opinion, that she might be useful to
the force at Chusan, and determined on sending the " Cruizer" back
with the mails and despatches on the following day, and remain to ac-
company the junk. When all being completed, and the stores and
crew of the " Indian Oak" embarked on the junk, I, with Mr. Payne my
writer, embarked on the " Nimrod," and sailed on the 29th of September
for Chusan, where H. M's. ship " Nimrod," with the junk " Loochoo,"
arrived on the 5 th instant.

I should not do justice to my own feelings, or to those kind Islanders,
the Loochooers, were I to omit stating, and bringing to the notice of
government, the very great kindness and hospitality received from
the moment of our landing to the date of our departure, which was
uniform from the first to the last, with the exception that we were not
allowed to pass into the interior, or exceed the limits of our compound
beyond the wreck ; our own contrymen could not have been kinder.
They not only built a vessel of 150 to 180 tons burthen, but gave us
a plentiful supply of provisions during our stay of forty-six days on the
island, and one month's provision for every person in the junk ; they
also furnished H. M's. ships with water and fresh supplies during
their stay, declining to receive any thing in the shape of payment

918 Wreck of the Transport '^Indian Oak,'' [No. 105.

in return ; stating they neither wanted gold or silver, but in the event
of any of their own vessels falling on the coasts of any of our settle-
ments in distress, that we would treat their people with the same
kindness, and send them back to their country. The only return
they accepted was a telescope from myself, and one presented by
Captain Barlow, with twelve copies of the Saturday and Penny Maga-
zines, a small print, and a looking glass in the name of Her Britannic
Majesty.

In conclusion, I can only regret my inability to do full justice
to those kind, hospitable, and good people. In my letter to Sir J. J.
Gordon Bremer, I stated the latitude of the wreck to have been 26° 11',
which is wrong, and which mistake was occasioned by an error in the
sextant, that I did not discover until after the departure of the long
boat ; the true latitude however is 26° 21' 46" N. both by double alti-
tudes and altitudes of the Pole Star, all taken on a false horizon, at the
village of Peekoo.

As I have kept a journal of occurrences during our stay in Loochoo,
should it be requisite, I shall be able to furnish full particulars of every
occurrence, winds, weather, &c., that took place until my departure
in H. M's. " ship Nimrod." His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief
has directed, that I should hold myself in readiness to proceed to
Manilla, with two or three transports, in which sick troops are to be
embarked for a change of air and fresh supplies. On receiving further
instructions, I shall not fail to apprise you of my movements by
the first opportunity. ^^_

H. Go's. Transport, Futty Salam, f Signed J J. J. R. BoWMAN, ^^

Chusan Harbour. Agt. for Transports, Eastern Expedition.

l^th, October, 1840.

To Sir J. J. G. Bremer, K.C.B. & K.C.H.

Commodore of the \st Class.
Sib,

It is with sincere and deep regret, that I have to report the loss
of H. M's. transport, ''Indian Oak," R. Grainger, Master, on one of the
Loochoo Islands, on the 14th instant, about II a.m. The following heads
of occurrences will I hope afford you all the information I am at
present able to give, on this most unfortunate event.

1840.] Wreck of the Transport '' Indian Oak.'' 919

Monday y lOth August. Parted company with H. M's. ship " Alli-
gator," off Keeto Point, Chusan, and passed out, between the Buffalo's
Nose and the Quesan Islands.

At 9 P.M. the S. Easternmost Island, Pata-hecock, bore EbN. 4 to
5 miles, blowing a fresh breeze from the northward, steered SEbE.

Noon, Tuesday llth.-^ln Lat. by Obs. 28^^ 26' 17"; Long. Ch. 123''
24' 15" E. departure taken from Chusan said to be in 122^ 6' E.
of Greenwich ; at this time blowing a hard gale from NNE. with a
high sea ; the ship was reduced to close-reefed topsails, and topgallant
yards sent down on deck. Bar. 29° 63'.

Midnight. Severe gale and high sea, Bar. 29° 50'.
Noon, Wednesday 12^A.— Lat. Obs. 27° 13' 22" N. ; Long. Ch. 124°
55' 45" E. ; Bar. 29° 40' ; ship's main rigging very slack, and in great
danger of losing the main-mast ; sent down the gallant mast, and swifted
the rigging in. Furled the fore and mizen-topsails, and hove to under
close-reefed main- topsails.

Midnight. Gale very severe from the northward, blowing in gusts,
with rain and a very high sea. Bar. 29° 35'.

Noon, Thursday 13^A.— Lat. Obs. 26^^ 29', N. ; Long. Ch. 124° 51' E. ;
Bar. 29° 35', p.m. 3, somewhat more moderate, set the fore-topsail
and steered EbS.

6 P.M. Set fore-sail, and at 10 p.m. set the main-sail. Midnight strong
gales and hard squalls.

Friday, l^th. — 10 a.m. course per log, from noon of yesterday,
allowing one point lee-way for the heave of the sea, placed the
ship in as follows : — Course per log 166° 30' E. 121 miles. Lat. D. R.
26° 51' N. ; Long. R. R. 127° 2', from which Capt. Grainger consi-
dered himself well to the SW. of the Loochoo Group, when in the
act of working up the above reckoning, discoloured water was reported
by the officer of the watch, and the ship immediately hauled up SSW.
the wind previously having hauled to the NW. in a very severe squall,
shifted to the westward of the ship, broke off the SSE. ; land and breakers
were now seen on our lee quarter, extending to SSW. on our weather
bow; wore ship and stood to the northward, at this time the fore-top-
mast staysail, fore-topsail, and foresail, were blown out of the bolt
ropes ; found ourselves unable to weather the north point of the Island,
off which was a long extent of heavy breakers, and a very high sea

920 Wreck of the Transport ^'Indian Oak,'' [No. 105.

running; the weather being so very thick, the land was scarcely
discernible, although not more than three nailes off. Finding ourselves
embayed, and no possibility of saving the ship, wore with the hope of
saving the lives of the crew, and stood to the southward for what
appeared an opening, but which proved only a small inlet or bay, full
of breakers. The heavy sea and the want of sail, setting us fast on the
shore, between 10-30, and 11 a. m. struck on an extensive rocky
ledge, extending about two miles from the shore, with numerous rocky
patches, just a-wash. The sea now made a clean breach over the ship ;
she shortly after fell over on her beam-ends, and broke her back about
the chess tree, the fore part falling in deep water. Cut away the
main mast, and some time after the mizen mast. All hands now col-
lected aft, under the poop, and on the weather quarter and mizen
chains. On the ship's falling over, lost the larboard quarter boat
which was washed on shore, by which we observed the tide to
be falling.

The gale now increasing to a severe hurricane, with heavy rain, our
only remaining hope was in getting a rope on shore. The first attempt
to carry a line on shore was made by William Bagburn (seaman sent
from the Blenham) but owing to the strong drawback, failed, and
was with some risk hauled in ; a second attempt with the lead line
was made by a lascar, who succeeded in reaching the shore (greatly
exhausted and cut by the rocks) but lost the line. About this time
a number of natives came down and motioned us to land. An
attempt was now made to get the jolly boat out, which was stowed
on the launch, but in doing so, she was stove to pieces. Several
attempts were now made with hatches, gratings, and oars, all of
which failed, owing to the line fouling the rocks; two more attempts
were made, by two lascars, to carry the log line on shore, one of
whom succeeded, and the end of the deep sea lead line got on
shore, but which also fouled the rocks, and was thereby rendered use-
less. The tide coming in, all the Islanders with our two men left
the reef ; our only remaining hope being in the strength of the ship,
and the after part holding together. As the tide came in, the wind
and sea increased ; the latter making a complete breach over all,
fore and aft, and throwing pieces of sheathing and copper over the
vessel in all directions. Finding it impossible to hold on longer on

«

1840.J Wreck of the Transport '' Indian Oak.'' 921

the outside, all hands got under the poop, with the ship on her beam
ends and deck nearly perpendicular.

As the tide came in, the sea gradually hove the vessel higher on the
reef until she lodged on a small ledge of rocks. Our rudder was torn
off with part of the counter shortly after striking, through which the sea
rushed into the poop and lower cabins. Each sea that struck the vessel.
Shook her very frame. Closely huddled together under the poop, were
the commander, officers, passengers, and crew, drenched by every sea,
and shivering with cold, most of us having thrown off all clothes,
as it was likely to impede swimming. We remained in this state until
about i past 11 p.m., when the tide having receded, and the weather
considerably moderated, we found ourselves much nearer the shore, and
comparatively smooth under the lee. Sounded on the lee side, and found
only from five to six feet water ; immediately piped all hands on shore,
the mizen mast, yards, and gaff forming a raft. All hands got on shore,
including the sick, in safety, with exception of a few cuts and bruises
from the rocks. All the crew and passengers having got on shore,
myself, the commander and officers followed, and after walking about
a mile over a rocky ledge, towards some lights at high water mark,
were met by a party of the Islanders, and greeted with kind hospitality,
hot tea and rice being served out to every man. Nothing can show
their hospitality in a stronger light than the following : — I had nothing
on but a shirt and drawers, drenched to the skin ; one of the prin-
cipal men noticing my situation, took off his outer jacket or coat,
and insisted on my putting it on. After resting on the beach a short
time, we were conducted to a comfortable dwelling, or court house,
where dry clothing was given to all who stood in need, and we were again
regaled with warm tea, rice, eggs, and fowls. Words are not adequate
to express the kindness, attention, and hospitality we have received
from the first moment of landing to the present time, from these
kind and good people ; their honesty is beyond praise, — articles of
silver, gold, and wearing apparel strewed in every direction to dry,
but not an article touched.

Most of our wearing apparel has been saved, but all more or less
damaged from being drenched for several days in the sea. Several
dozens of the Commander's wine and beer have also been saved,
but I regret to say little of the ship's provisions. We are entirely

922 Wreck of the Transport '^ Indian Oak,'' [No. 105.

dependant on these good people, who have up to the present time sup-
plied us abundantly.

For all further particulars, I refer you to the bearer, Mr. Field, first
officer of the late ship " Indian Oak," whose conduct throughout this
trying occasion has been most meritorious ; and in nothing more so, than
at present, in volunteering to proceed in the launch to Chusan, as the
bearer of intelligence most unfortunate, and I fear of serious disap-
pointment and loss to the expedition generally, which no one can
feel more than myself I can give you no description of the place,
as we are not allowed to go beyond the limits of our dwelling, except to
the wreck.

From altitudes taken in a false horizon for the Chronometer, and
several altitudes of the Pole Star, I make the geographical position of
our dwelling, about two miles east of the wreck, as follows : —
By a meridian altitude of the sun from the! q^o ii/ oah -s^

wreck, about 1|^ miles horizon, J

By several altitudes of the Pole Star taken! g/»o yy nnn
in an artificial horizon, i

Long, by Chronometer, 127* 12' 45" E.

from which I conclude we are on one of the small Islands to the west-
ward of the Great Loochoo ; but the natives whenever questioned, say
we are on the larger Island, but jealous of our gaining any know-
ledge of their Island, invariably evade the question ; they however have
promised to build a vessel to take us to Singapore, of the following
dimensions, which they say shall be ready in two months, viz.
66 feet long, 23 ditto broad, 7| ditto hold.

I trust however Mr. Field will succeed in reaching Chusan in safety,
from whence I feel assured speedy relief will be sent, with this hope,
and full confidence in a good God,

I am, &c.
Loochoo Islands, "4 (Signed) J. J. R. Bowman,

2^th August, 1840. j Agent for Transports, Eeastern Expedition-

P.S. — Since writing the above, I have been assured by one of the
principal men, that we are on the Great Loochoo ; this from what I
can see of the land from the wreck, is my opinion, also ; judging from
Captain Hall's description of Napaking Harbour, the wreck lays a little
to the southward of Abbey Point, in the above place. If I am right,

1840.] Wreck of the Transport " Indian Oak?' 923

and what the islanders state is correct, the longitude shown by the " In-
dian Oak's" chronometer, must be twenty-five miles too far west. I
have had no opportunity of getting a lunar as yet, but shall endeavour
to do so by the first opportunity. 1 have also to add, that every cir-
cumstance relating to Chusan and the fleet, has been kept a secret from
the Islanders, fearing it might operate against us, as they are tributary
to China, and now fitting out two junks for Amoy. I trust however
we shall be relieved from our present painful situation before these or
other vessels return. Mr. Field, the bearer, I hope leaves to-morrow.
[ have the pleasure to state the dispatches and letters are saved, but

more or less wet with sea-water.

f Signed J J. J. R. B.

Note. — I lose no time in publishing the above interesting narrative,
rhe natives of the Loochoo Islands seem to preserve unimpared the
kindness of disposition, whicli distinguished them when Basil Hall visited
that distant archipelago, although some greater degree of caution and
strictness as respects intercourse with the interior, on the part of foreigners,
seems now to obtain among them, than was the case when Englishmen
first became intimately acquainted with them. Of Captain Beechey's sub-
sequent visit, there exists I believe no published account ; and although Mr.
Iradescant Lay, the naturalist, who accompanied that officer, has published
a notice of the Bonin Islands, he has not included (I speak from memory)
in his work any detailed mention of the Loochoooans. A narrative of the
Russian Captain Creusensturn's voyage to Loochoo has I believe appeared
on the continent, but I have never seen the book. The accidental sojourn
of Captain Bowman and his party among these kindly islanders, is an
occurrence of much interest ; and it is to be hoped that no Englishman
wiU ever abuse their hospitality, nor fail to requite it, when the occasion
may offer of returning it in kind. ili

6b

924

Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. By the late Capt. Edward Conolly.

The country of tlie Eusofzyes> is naturally, and by themselves, divided
into the Sum, (a Pushtoo word signifying a plain) and the Kohistan or
hilly districts, comprising the valleys of Chumla, Booneer, Swat, &c. and the
physical characteristics of the two divisions are hardly more opposed to
each other, than are the manners and condition of their respective in-
habitants. The present memoir will treat chiefly of the Sum, with a few
exceptions (to be hereafter mentioned) ; the whole of this tract is peopled
by that great branch of the Eusofzyes, called the Munder.'' Scattered over a
perfectly level plain, every where practicable for guns, in villages which
mutual jealousy prevents them from fortifying even with walls, the Mun-
ders have always been exposed to the inroad of foreign invaders, and
seem in consequence to have early sought the protection of, and willingly
to have submitted to, some one chief of their own clan ; though their peculiar
democratic institutions prevented their acknowledging obedience to any
minor authority, if we except that capricious and limited deference which
custom has accorded to the petty Mulliks. The Mullikzyes, a powerfiil and
numerous tribe, whose principal seat is Yar Hossein, the largest village in
the Sum, are said formerly to have given a Khan to the Munders;^ but
the chieftainship has been in the family of Punjtar since the days of
Aurungzebe, whose letters patent it still possesses. Though in the confusion
consequent on the dismemberment of the monarchy, several chiefs have
risen to limited authority in the Sum, all of them acknowledge as their
rightful head — ^if they have ceased to pay obedience to the descendants of—
Bagho Khan, the founder of that family, and these alone possess the power
of life and death, the Beri Kheil (that of Bagho) being regarded with a
respect hardly inferior to that paid by the Dauranees to their Sudozyes. ■*

Futteh Khan, sixth in descent from Bagho, died a few days before I left
Peshawer. The high character he supported during a period of peculiar
difficulty, and the light which his history throws on the present condition
of the Eusofzyes, require that a slight sketch of hia career should be given.
It was during the short, but brilliant reign of Syud Ahmed,^ whose prin-
cipal supporter he was, and to whom he may be said to have given the
crown, that Futteh Khan obtained his greatest power; not only the
Munders, but the Eusofs of Swat and Booneer seem to have acknowledged
him as their head and leader at this period, but on the defeat and death
of the Syud Badshah, the consequence of Futteh Khan became daily less
and less. The Sikhs flushed with victory, poured large armies and large
treasures into the plain, and by bribing some, and intimidating others, con-
trived, if they could not get possession of the country, to weaken it by
exciting jealousies and divisions among the petty tribes, and by substitu-
ting numerous small lordships in the place of one common interest. The

1840.] Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan, 925

people of the hills, particularly those of Booneer, who had been the
principal supporters of the Sum against its foreign enemies, disheartened
by their losses at Noushera,^ contented themselves with brooding over their
disgrace, and rarely ventured to leave their fastnesses ; and it seemed
likely that, in spite of the difficulties opposed by the differences of their
religions, the disunited Munders would shortly fall an easy prey to the
victorious and one-minded Sikhs. One man alone prevented this. As his
physical resources and apparent means of resistance grew less, the courage,
the moral influence, and it may almost be said, the actual strength of
Futteh Khan increased. Punjtar is a cluster of five small villages, not
containing altogether 500 houses, situated at the upper extremity of a
valley, which opens into the Sum. It is a place of no strength whatever,
not even being surrounded by a wall, and the road to it is open and prac-
ticable for guns ; biit such was the terror inspired by the name of its chief,
that for many years it remained the bugbear of the Sikhs, and their largest
armies never ventured to approach it. At last a force of, it is said, 15,000
men with guns, and under an European officer, ascended the valley. The in-
habitants were amused with proposals for an accommodation, and during
the night, guns having secretly been conveyed to the top of a hill which
commands the place, an attack was made on the unfortified little villages.
Of the few Punjtaris thus taken by surprize, the greater number hastened
to place their families out of reach of the fiiry of the Sikhs ; but all those
not encumbered with wives and children, some 2 or 300 only, with Futteh
Khan and the Moullas at their head, unappalled by the overpowering masses
of the enemy, made a stand, and maintained an unequal fight for many
hours. Futteh Khan himself swore not to retreat, and was at last carried
off the field by force in the arms of his soldiers. The Sikhs destroyed the
principal village and mosque, but retreated the next day, lest the Booneeris
should be down upon them ; nor have they since revisited Punjtar. Futteh
Khan made a vow to pray in the open air till he had burned some house
of images, and shortly afterwards with a few followers, in pursuance of his
vow, he crossed the river, attacked a Sikh town, and levelled its Dhurmsalla
with the ground.

Runjeit Singh was fully aware of the importance of conciliating an
enemy so spirited and implacable. He offered Futteh Khan a jageer of
three lacs, and to support him as Khan of all the Eusofzyes, if he would
only nominally acknowledge himself his subject, by sending him a hawk
or two, or a horse as a tribute. Most of the Khan's friends, and even the
Moullas recommended not that he should degrade himself into a pensioner
of the infidel, but that he should send a horse to the Maharaja as an
exemption from the annoyances and anxieties to which the vicinity of the
Sikh troops exposed them ; but the Khan was inflexible : with his character,

926 Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. [No. 105.

he would have lost his power. " Horses and hawks," he wrote back, " are
to be found with rich nobles at the courts of kings ; I a poor Zemindar
have nothing of the kind, but I can send you a fat cow if you please."

Futteh Khan left several childern, but the three eldest (who are by one
mother) alone claim notice.

The first, Mokurrib Khan, the present chief, will be described in another
place. He was on bad terms with his father, and for eight years before
the death of the latter had lived apart from him.

The second. Alum Khan, is a good looking, well disposed, intelligent lad,
under twenty years of age, and was the favourite of his father, who, a little
before his death, sounded his friends as to the possibility of setting aside
in his favour the claims of Mokurrib Khan to the succession. He was
checked by the honest bluntness of his Cazi, who exclaimed before them
all, " Death to your house ! — would you murder both your children? "

The history of the third son, Mudduh Khan, gives a curious picture of
the state of society among the Eusofzyes. He is now about fourteen years
old ; at the age of eleven he drew his sword on his tutor, who had struck him,
and ran away from his father's house, to which he could never be induced
to come back. He found refuge with Mokurrib Khan, who resided indepen-
dent of Futteh Khan in a fort some eight miles from Punjtar, and having
(in the manner related of Nadir Shah,) formed into a band several children
of his own age, he carried on a sort of war with his father, plundering his
sugar-canes, and otherwise annoying him. Futteh Khan would never allow
the name of the boy to be pronounced in his presence. A few hours
before his death, when he was distributing his property among his children,
the Cazi ventured to remind him of Mudduh Khan : " Who names that
infidel?" said the dying man, " he is no child of mine."

Of the minor chiefs of the Sum, who deserve notice here, the principal
is Arsilla Khan of Zaideb, who, having been on bad terms with his neigh-
bours of Punjtar, was in a manner forced to save himself from ruin by
seeking the protection of the Sikhs, strengthened by whom, he is now the
most powerful of the chiefs of the plain. The Komalzyes have two chiefs
of influence, Khadir Khan of Gooroo Mejar, and Ahmed Khan of Hatti
Murdan ; of the latter, mention is made in the narrative.

Mir Khan of Sudoom, known generally by the name of the Mir,
is the most powerful of the Amazyes. His experience, firmness, and
courage have gained him much respect, and enable him to rule with a
stricter hand than the Eusofzyes will in general submit to. The Muchehi
family (mentioned in the narrative) have however scarcely less influence
among the Amazyes. Besides these, there are a few chiefs, who will be
mentioned in the sequel, who have lately been turned out of their posses-
sions by the Sikhs and Arsilla Khan.

1840.] Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. 927

It is easier to learn the general character of the chiefs above named,
than to form a just conception of their power and resources. Mokurrib
Khan's influence, for example, may be said to extend over a great part
of the Sum, but his actual authority is limited to about seventy villages,
(in these the smaller ones called " Bandas" are not included) from most,
if not all of which he draws the "Aoshr" or tithe, with this, and the
produce of his lands (the return from which is however but trifling) the
" Jizeea," or tax on the Hindoos, the tax on the fakeers (or villains) and
now and then some plunder from the Sikhs, he is able to maintain an
efficient body of 1,500, or perhaps 2,000 footmen; and 5,000 of his tribe
will rally round him on emergency. To his soldiers he gives but three
rupees a month ; but living is very cheap in this frugal country, where
flesh is rarely eaten, and a fowl is a luxury. Mokurrib Khan has but
few horsemen ; he was endeavouring to raise a corps when I left him.
His father is said to have left about 30,000 rupees in cash, besides valu-
able property in shawls, &c. the accumulated plunder of years. Arsilla
Khan keeps up more horses than any other chief of the plain, but if the
Sikhs left the country, he would sink into insignificance, and would be
obliged to make terms with Mokurrib. Ahmed Khan and others are
well inclined towards him, (for he is a liberal man, and bears a fair
character) and would not permit him to be altogether crushed by the
Punjtaris.

Of the military strength of the other chiefs, it is not worth speaking ;
each of them keeps up from two to six hundred followers, horse and foot,
chiefly the latter, and they have the power of raising their clans, and
have much influence in the " Jeergas," or public meetings, which assemble,
to discuss all the more important questions.

The Eusofzyes, as before remarked, are not the only inhabitants of the
Sum. Leaving for the present the original possessors of the country, who
are now reduced to the condition of Helots ; the other tribes are the
Gudoons, the Khuttuks, the Baeezyes, and the Mamunzyes (the Maho-
medzyes of Elphinstone) ; but these last may be considered as separate
from the Sum, and will not be further mentioned here.

The Gudoons, called also Gudans, and east of the Indus, Judoons, are a
Kaukur tribe, who migrated into these parts, perhaps two centuries ago.
They are divided into two great branches, Salar and Munsoor, of whom
the first are settled to the east of Punjtar, and the rest in Drumtour.
The Salars are said to have 64 villages, and to muster 6,000 matchlocks ;
their government is a democracy, more rigid than that even of the Eusofzyes.
I was nearly causing a quarrel at Grenduf, their chief town, by inadvertently
asking who was their head Mullik. We were much struck by the appearance
of wealth and comfort of their villages, which are large and populous,

928 Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan, [No. 105.

and the Hindoos seemed to be more numerous and thriving amongst them,
than in any part of the country we visited.

The Khuttuks occupy the left bank of the Sundi,' from below Noushera
to Jehangiri. They have not more than fifteen or twenty villages ; and
their position has forced them to pay obedience to the Sikhs.

The Baeezyes, whose numbers I have heard rated at 12,000 fighting men,
are also Khuttuks, but they have for a long time been a separate and dis-
tinct tribe. Of their history I know nothing. They are always spoken of as
the richest people in the country, and many of the Hindoos settled amongst
them are said to possess great wealth. This is not improbable, as one
of the principal roads from the north to Peshawar runs through their
territory, and an active commerce is carried on, on either side of them,
in salt, cloths, &c.

Like the Gudoons, the Baeezyes are governed by petty MuUiks, and
have always preserved their independence against all foreign enemies.
Of the population of the Sum, I can only form a guess of the probable
amount, some data I had collected on the subject having been carried off
by the Khyberees, but it may not perhaps be very inaccurately rated at
one lac of fighting men. All the tribes above mentioned have the same
manners and customs, and (includmg the Eusofs) may, without hesitation,
be pronounced the best irregular soldiers in Afghanistan. Their cavalry,
which are so few in number as scarcely to deserve notice, are from their
mode of training and equipment rather Hindostanee than Afghan. The
mass and strength of the Eusofzyes is infantry. Most of the soldiers, and
every man is a soldier, are armed with heavy matchlocks ; others have long
spears, which they use with singular dexterity, either on horse or foot;
a few are clothed in chain armour ; and some use even bows and arrows
of formidable size. They generally avoid close fighting, though if forced
to it, they have the character of being excellent swordsmen.

It is said, that they have some idea of opposing cavalry by forming into
close masses, or "Goles," with their spears extended; but this I have never
seen, and am inclined to doubt. At whatever time of the day or night the
" Nakara," or drum is beat in a particular measure, every man able to bear
arm ssnatches them up, and hurries, ready for action, to his particular
"Hoojra," or public meeting room, of which there are from eight to twenty
in every village ; and from thence, in distinct parties, under separate flags,
they proceed to the scene of action, and despising the protection of walls,
advance singly into the plain. A total want of discipline and order now
distinguishes them. They have no head ; each party, or " Hoojra," acts inde-
pendently ; and even those under one flag, will not always obey one leader.

We have here the strength, and weakness of the Eusofzyes : their num-
ber and alertness, their courage, sharpened by incessant fighting, and ex-

1840.] Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan, 929

pertness in the use of their weapons, render them formidable to the irre-
gular troops, but their peculiar mode of warfare incapacitates them
from contending against a regular army. It is evident that a body
of disciplined cavalry could, with the greatest facility, put to rout and
cut up a herd of men scattered here and there over a level plain,
totally ignorant of tactics, and without unanimity. We need no further
proof of their incompetence to contend on the plain with even semi-
disciplined troops, than is afforded us by the battle of Noushera, in which
though stimulated to the utmost by religious enthusiasm, they were
defeated by less than a third of their numbers.

Of the Kohistan, my information, is, I must confess, very imperfect,
and will be here limited jto nearly a barren detail of names.

The tribes of Booneer and the neighbouring hills, may be said to have
no chiefs of any importance, the only individuals possessing influence
being a family of Syuds, the descendant of Peer Baba, a celebrated saint,
who lived in the time of the Emperor Humaioon.

Of this family, there are three principal branches amongst the Eusofs.
The representatives of the elder and most influential branch are, Syud Azim
and Syud Meeah of Tukhtabund, the capital of Booneer, who may be
compared to the Abbot Boniface and Subfriar Eustace of the novel ; Syud
Azim, the elder, a good-natured, indolent character, having willingly
resigned his authority to his more active and talented brother. The
second branch is Syud Akber Meeah, of Sitana on the Indus; and the
third, Syud Russool of Chumla.

Chumla, only separated from Booneer by a low range of hills, is near-
ly in the power of the latter ; however, unless when some popular ques-
tion is agitated, it is able to maintain its independence. It is divided
among three proprietors. A colony of Komalzyes occupy the west portion ;
Noagee the chief town is the property of Syud Rusool ; and the rest belongs
to Mahomed Khan, a relation of the Punjtar family, on which indeed he is
in some degree dependent.

The tribes of Swat differ from those of Booneer in paying more obedience
to their Khans, and being less under the direction of their Syuds. Their
most influential, religious character, is Mooreed Sahebzadeh of Oochoond,
near Thanneh ; but the respect paid him is variable and unequal.

In Upper Swat there are four principal chiefs. The most northerly is
Pshuh Khan of Sundi, of whom I only know the name ; next to him in
position is Mudar Khan of Mingoweer, below whom are Kashun Khan, the
son of Arsilla Khan of Bandeh (whose family were at one time of much
consequence among the Eusofs) and Khadir Khan of Hodigram.

Lower Swat has but two chiefs who deserve mention. One is Zydoollah
Khan, who was originally in joint power with Passund Khan at Thanneh,

930 Notes on the Euso/zye tribes of Afghanistan. [No. 105.

but the latter has lately been turned out and reduced to insignificance by
his elder brother ; the other chief is Khyroollah Khan of Alia Dund. He
has only lately succeeded his cousin Euayutoollah Khan, who submitted to
the Sikhs, and went to Lahore to pay his respects. The indignant tribe,
deposed him in favour of his son, but the son has also been turned out by
Khyroollah.®

Of all the Eusofzyes, the most powerful is Ghazan Khan of Deer', but he
is perfectly aware of the delicate tenor on which he holds his authority,
and in consequence is anxious to form connections with any power which
may strengthen him in his rule. He intrigues with this view with the
Douranees and with the Sikhs, and he is fast friends with the Bajore chief,
and with the rulers of Cashgar and Chitrane. But the two first he would
willingly betray, and the last he plunders whenever he gets an opportunity.

There is one chief who, though not an Eusofzye, yet from his position
in the midst of, and intimate connection with, the Eusofzyes, and his sin-
gular history and character, must not be omitted in a description of the
Eusofzye country.

Paieendah Khan, of Tanawul, is a Mogul of the Birlas tribe, the same
from which the Ameer Timoor was descended. All record of the first
settlement in Tanawul of his family is lost, and it has long ago broken off
all connection with the other branches of the Birlas, which are stUl to be
found in Turkestan.

The Tanawulees, who from their dialect, a corrupt Hindoostani, seem
to be of eastern origin, are divided into two " tuppahs," the principal of
which is Pulal, the other Hindowal, and these two divisions are, or were,
respectively governed by two branches of the Birlas family.

Paieendah Khan is descended from the junior branch, the Khans of the
Hindowal, who had little power till the time of Nawab Khan, (father of
Paieendah) whose father having been killed by the chief of the Pulals, set
himself up against them. Nawab Khan had the advantage of possessing the
Douranee road, and enriched himself by a toll on all who travelled his way.
The Douranees were constantly passing and repassing to and from Cashmeer,
and their pride, as may well be conceived, could ill brook paying tribute to
a petty tribe like the Tanawulees ; much quarrelling and-heart burning was
the consequence. The celebrated Noorjehan, more commonly known by the
name of Ade, or the mother, the Baumizye mother of Futteh Khan vuzeer,
was en route to Cashmeer, on a visit to Mahomed Azeem Khan, the governor.
Toll was as usual demanded, not of her however or her party, who out of
respect were to pass free, but of some people who followed her camp for
protection. At this even the haughty lady took umbrage, and other causes
of offence not being wanting, an army was sent under Jubar Khan to punish
Nawab Khan. That chief had no option but to give himself up. He was re-

1840.] Notes on the Eusofaye ti^ibes of Afghanistan, 931

ceived courteously, promises of favour and protection were showered on
liim, and he was requested to send for his family, when a maintenance
and a place of residence would be fixed for them.

This last request opened the eyes of the prisoner to the intentions of
his captors ; he pretended compliance, however, with their wishes, and re-
quested only that " Jam pans" (litters) might be sent with his son Paieendah
Khan (then a lad, 17 years old) to bring the ladies. As the cortege was start-
ing, Nawab Khan took his son aside, and whispered in his ear, " Take care
of yourself, consider me as a dead man, and give me your prayers." When
the party reached the Tanawul territory, Paieendah Khan broke the fine
" Jam pans," and stripping the servants of Azeem Khan, sent them back to
their master with the message — " My father is in your hands — do what
you please with him; me, you will never get into your clutches again."

A heavy stone was tied to Nawab Khan, and he was thrown into the river.
From this time, Paieendah Khan has been a sort of wild man, at war with
all around him. Driven from his home, east of the Indus, by the Afghans,
the Sikhs, and the Pulals, who had partially submitted to Runjeit Singh,
and whose chief, Surbulund Khan, is n6w at Lahore, Paieendah Khan took
possession of Am, on the right bank of the Indus, which originally belonged
to the Pulals, and from thence, for twenty six years, has never ceased to
carry on a series of depredations on the Sikhs and all who submitted to
them. He boasts that he has four diJEferent times raised an army of Ghazis,
who have all fallen martyrs in the cause. Of his first band only three men
are alive, and they are literally one mass of wounds. Am is a small nook
of land, only a few hundred yards square, shut in between the deep and
rapid Indus, and the lofty chain of the Mabeen'" hills, which close in
upon it in a crescent.

The only road to it from the south, is over a difficult path cut in the face
of the rocks which over hang the river. This and a somewhat similar
spot higher up, called Chutter bai (where his son resides), and a few villages
on the left bank of the Indus, are all the lands of which Paieendah Khan
can now boast. The aggregate return from them is said not to exceed two
thousand rupees a year, but by his forays on the Sikhs, he is able to
maintain 1,000 paid soldiers ; and he is openly and secretly assisted by
3,000 or 4,000 of the Tanawulees.

He seizes Hindoos, from the wealthy of whom he extorts money ; some
he forces to labour in chains ; others he compels to become Mussulmans, and
if they are refractory, he ties a stone round their necks, and flings them
into the river ; — no oaths or ties bind him. He takes money from a village
as exemption from plunder one day, and plunders it the next. His own bro-
ther even he has stripped of every thing. The Sikhs have numerous forts
on the opposite bank of the river ; they dare not leave them ; his very grass-

6 c

932 Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. [No. 105.

cutters insult them every day with impunity. One of these forts commands
that in which Paeen Khan himself resides. I pointed this out to him ;
" Would you like to see me take it," said he, " I will do so in half an hour."

In fact the Sikhs are only there by his sufferance; he derives a revenue
from them ; they paying, that their supplies may not be intercepted ; as his
band passes under their forts on a plundering expedition, the Sikh soldiers
salute him from the walls, and wish him good luck.

The Sikhs some years ago bought off his forays by a jageer ; but his
cruelty and exactions were such, that the whole country rose, and Runjeit
Sing was obliged to send word to him that he would give him the amount
of his jageer, but must resume the land itself. Paieendah only answered by
levelling with the ground the nearest Sikh village, and retiring again to his
fastness. Since Runjeit Singh's death, Paieendah Khan has been more
active than ever, and his excursions would certainly extend to the Jhelum,
but that his neighbour the Syud of Sitana is his enemy, and the Eusofzyes
and Chogurzyes, who inhabit the hills above him, threaten his family,
whenever he is known to have left them for more than a few days.

Were there any revolution in tTie Punjab, to distract the attention of
the Sikhs, I should not be surprized at hearing that he had ventured on
Cashmeer. He is well acquainted with the road, which is not difficult, and
the petty Mussulman chiefs between Tanawul and the valley, would be
rather inclined to favour him, than to offer him any opposition.

Having thus given a sketch of the principal political features of the
country T traversed, the narrative, to which I now proceed, will be more
readily understood."

Note. — It will be seen from the conclusion of the above paper, that it
was but the intended commencement of a series. My poor friend Conoily
sent it me with the heading " Part I. Introductory," his object being to fol-
low it up with a Narrative of his Journey in the Eusofzyes country, in
January 1840. I was awaiting the completion of the papers to publish
them in serial order, when I heard of his death. The information however
contained in this paper alone, is of itself not unimportant; and I therefore
give it publication as it stands.

It is much to be regretted that we have lost the aid in Afghanistan of so
intelligent an observer as the author of this short notice : the similar fate
which befel Mr. Lord has deprived us of the result of that gentleman's
intimate acquaintance with the character and habits of the Oosbeks, an
unfinished narrative of his residence with Meer Morad Beg of Koondooz,
written for this Journal, having been found among his papers. Will no
one consent to supply what they have left incomplete ?

1840.] Notes to Capt. Conolly's Eusofzye tribes.

933

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Notes to Capt. Conolly's Eusofzye tribes. [No. 105.

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1840.] Notes to Capt. ConoUy's Eusofzye tribes, 937

JVb^e 6. — The Booneeries (or Booneer wal, as they are more generally called) were the
principal sufferers at that battle. Blinded by religious fury, and an undue estimate of
their own strength, their only desire was to cut off the retreat of the Sikhs. They are
said to have fought rather like devils than men. Moullas, boys, and unveiled women,
mingled promiscuously in the fight. For days before, the whole Sum had been a
moving mass of men, hastening from the upper country to join in the great struggle
which was to vindicate the honour of Islam. Each man carried ten days' provision.
No correct estimate has ever been formed of the number of the " Ghazis," which
name, in anticipation of victory, they had assumed ; the greater part only shared in
the flight. Had they delayed one day more, they would have been joined by the Swat
army, which never reached the field. But it was impossible to hold them back. The
Booneeries, distinguished by their black turbans with a bright yellow border from the
rest of the Eusofzyes, who are generally clothed in white, first rushed forward, and by
thus precipitating the contest, lost the day their courage deserved to gain. But their
reckless valour was of no avail. Their scanty stock of ammunition soon expended,
they fought with arrows, spears, swords, stones; one man scrambled up behind the ele-
phant of Phoolra Sing, the real leader of the Sikhs, and cut down that chief with his
" silaweh," or long knife. Repeatedly driven back by the steady fire of the Sikhs,
they were as often rallied to the charge by the shrieks and curses of the women, and the
"Allah ho Akbars" of the maddened Moullas. At last, but not till they were decima-
ted, and every house in Booneer had to mourn its martyr, they broke and fled, cutting
through the Sikhs whom they had wished to intercept, and from that time, broken-
hearted, they have scarcely ventured to leave their valley. After the battle, dead
Booneeries were found lying on dead Sikhs, their teeth still clutching the throats of
their adversaries. Though seventeen years have elapsed since the fatal day, so
deeply do they still feel their loss, that when unusual merriment has by chance pre-
vailed in a " hoojra," a white-beard has been known to check them with — " Is this a
time for laughing, when the bones of your brothers are whitening Noushera V —
Noiishera is the common topic of conversation among the Eusofzyes, and the favourite
theme of their songs. I was particularly struck with one which commenced,

" Ah Mahomed Azeem, where is the blood of our childx*en you sold at Noushera?"
Chorus, between every line,

"Wae! Wae! Wae!" [bj
Note 7. — The Cabul river, between Peshawer, and the Aba sin, or Indus.
JSlote 8. — Since this was written, Evayut Oollah has returned from the Punjab, and is

struggling to regain his authority. Having money, which his rival has not, he has

succeeded in bringing over half his tribe to his side, and a furious civil war is raging.

This trip to Lahore has been most disastrous to him. It cost him not only his country,

but his eye-sight ; a clumsy doctor at the Durbar having under pretence of couching,

blinded him.
Note 9. — The history of the father of this chief will be found in Elphinstone.
Note 10. — In the name " Mabun," we have evidently a corruption of " MeaMaha

Bun," or the great forest; a title sufficiently appropriate, on account of the pines

which cover the mountain.
Note 11. — Of the map which accompanies this memoir, all that can be said, is, that

it is better than any one hitherto published of the same country ; but our every motion

was so watched and misconstrued that we could only take a bearing by stealth, and

some important bearings were lost in the Khyber Pass.

Lb] I have taken some liberty with the chorus, which is really "wee ojee," and which, however
melancholy it may sound when chaunted in a low solemn tone by the Afghans, could only ap-
pear ridiculous in English characters. It is the most usual chorus of the songs of the eastern Af-
ghans. Mahomed Azeem it is well known (see ConoUy and Burnes) shamefully deserted his friends
at the battle of Noushera,

938

Extract from Proceedings of the Numismatic Society of London, 1837-38.

"A Lecture, by Mr. Williams, on the mode of taking casts in sulphur, from coins,
medals, and Oriental cylinders, illustrated experimentally.
" The following is the process, as ingeniously described by Mr. Williams: —
" A number of slips of paper, about an inch in width, and of a length sufficient to go
somewhat more than once round the coin, or medal, should be first prepared ; and also
a number of slips of card, not quite half the width of those of paper. The coin is then,
to be oiled with a piece of cotton wool, dipped in sweet oil, and as much of the oil as
possible wiped off with another piece of wool. The edge of the coin should next be
placed about half way at one end of the slip of paper, and the paper rolled round it, a
little stiff paste being previously put upon the opposite end of the slip. This will
cause it to adhere firmly, and thus form a hoop round the coin, which will be suspend-
ed about midway by the edge, and must be retained in that situation by means of one
of the slips of card, bent round, and placed beneath it, within the hoop of paper. The
object of this arrangement is to cause the opposite sides of the mould to be as nearly as
possible of the same size. A little water is then to be poured into a cup, or other
vessel, and a sufficient quantity of the finest plaster of Paris lightly sprinkled into the
water, leaving sufficient of the latter to cover it. A slight effervescence will take
place as soon as the bubbles have ceased rising. The superabundant water is then to
be poured off, and the mixture stirred with a spoon. The plaster is now ready for use.
A thin coating of plaster is then to be laid on with a small brush, having moderately
stiff hairs, over the face of the coin, and the mould filled up to the rim with the spoon.
The use of the brush is to prevent bubbles from forming upon the surface of the coin,
as these would entirely spoil the mould ; and, in order to prevent the accumulation of
bubbles in the plaster, which is afterwards poured in, it is advisable to raise the hoop
with the coin and plaster in it, about an inch, and let it drop upon the table two or
three times. This, of course, must be done immediately after the pouring in of the
plaster. The whole is now to be left until the plaster is set, which will usually be in
about twenty minutes.

*' When this is effected, the under side is to be turned up, the strip of card removed,
and any plaster that may have found its way between the edge of the coin and hoop
of paper cleared away. The operation of mixing and applying the plaster, must now be
repeated ; and in about half an hour the plaster will be sufficiently set to allow of the
moulds being separated from the coin. The paper must be removed, and great care
taken in pulling off the moulds ; as, unless they are taken off perfectly straight, they
will be injured, in consequence of some of the deeper parts being broken off by the
twisting of the mould. Should the mould not yield readily, the bottom of it may be
dipped into water, when it usually will very easily come off. Should this however fail,
heating the bottom of the mould before the fire, after having wetted it, will frequently
have the desired effect. These precautions are necessary, as a gentle force being suf-
ficient to remove the mould, some adhesion may be suspected where more than that ap-
pears to be required, which the methods pointed out will usually remove. Any super-
fluous plaster about the mould must be carefully removed, avoiding all injury to its
surface.

" When these moulds are used for making a cast, the bottom must be placed in water
so shallow as not to cover the face of the mould. They will imbibe a considerable

1840.] Mode of taking casts from coins, ^c. 939

quantity, and when they appear to be uniformly damp, they are ready for use. They
must now be evenly placed at the proper distance, and in their right position, with a
strip of paper passing rather more than three parts round, and held firmly in the
fingers, the marks on the mould, made by the end of the hoop of paper in which they
were fonned, being the guide for their right position. The sulphur having been melted
in a proper vessel (the one used by Mr. Williams being a pastry-cook's pattie-pan,
with a handle, and a kind of spout made to it,) is now to be poured between the two
sides of the mould, by means of the aperture left in consequence of the paper not com-
ing completely round. As the sulphur cools, which is vei-y soon, it shrinks; and the
vacancy thus left must be immediately filled up, — this being repeated until the edge
is perfectly solid. The moulds are to be removed with the same precautions as when
they were taken from the coin, and the edge of the cast carefully pared, and then
rendered smooth by being rubbed with a piece of fine sand-paper. Should they be
required nearly of the colour of the sulphur, nothing further is requisite, except a
slight polishing with a piece of cotton wool, or a soft brush. For his own casts, Mr.
"Williams has considered it advisable to use an artificial colour, which is given by
applying black lead in powder to the casts, with a soft brush, and then covering them
with a varnish composed of a solution of dragon's blood in spirits of wine, which gives
them a fine dark, bronze appearance.

*'Some precautions are necessary to be observed in using the sulphur. When
melted, this substance is at first vei*y fluid ; as it gets hotter it becomes thick and ropey,
and a still greater degree of heat renders it again comparatively fluid. It is, however,
fit for casting in the first of these states only, and if employed in the other cases,
usually either destroys the mould, or produces a bad cast. The best criterion is to
observe when the sulphur begins to solidify round the edges of the vessel in which it
has been melted ; it may then be used with safety. It also often happens that the first
cast taken after the mould has been moistened is a bad one, in consequence of there
being too much water upon its surface. A second cast taken immediately, without
wetting the mould again, will usually be a good one ; and not more than three should
be taken without repeating the moistening ; for, should the mould be too dry, it cannot
be separated from the sulphur without injury. It is also a good plan to place the
wetted moulds upon blotting-paper, as it quickly absorbs the superfluous moisture;
but this requires some experience, as the mould often gets too dry to be used without
subsequent wetting; and the other method is perhaps the safest for beginners. It is
often necessary only to dip the fingers in water, and apply it to the back of the mould,
to give it the necessary degree of dampness. These are matters, however, for which a
little practice and experience are the best guides.

" In the casts made from moulds formed in this manner, it is obvious that the thick-
ness depends upon the resembrance, or the fancy of the caster. Should the exact
thickness be required, the following method of making the mould may be resorted
to:—

" Here, the coin having been oiled, as in the former case, must be placed with the
side which is least raised upon a flat surface, such as a piece of glass, or a slate,
which has also been previously oiled. The plaster is applied to the upper surface of
the coin with the brush, as before, and the whole is then to be covered with as much
of the plaster as may be required. When set, this will separate from the surface upon
which it has been placed, and exhibit the coin embedded in the mass. It must be

6d

940 Mode of taking casts from coins, ^c. [No. 105.

carefully cleared of the superfluous plaster, leaving a slightly shelving depression
round the edge of the coin; and hollows naust be made in the flat surface of the sur-
rounding plaster with the point of a knife. This must now be covered with soap-suds,
the coin being carefully retained in its place. The operation is now to be repeated
upon this surface, as in the first instance, the liquid plaster being poured over the
whole of the flat surface of the surrounding plaster. When set, the two parts of the
mould will be easily separated, the soap preventing the surface from adhering; and,
the coin being taken out, a channel must be cut to the outer edge of the mould, for
the passage of the sulphur. When prepared by moistening, as in the former instance,
and put together, the raised knobs corresponding with the small hollows made with the
point of the knife, will keep all steady ; and, the sulphur being poured into the mould
through the channel cut for it, a cast of the coin will be produced, exhibiting an exact
facsimile of the original.

"From this process, it is not difficult to perceive how casts of small objects of
different kinds may be taken ; for example, moulds of the cylinders from Babylon or
Persepolis. These require to be taken in at least three parts. Having oiled the
cylinder, it is to be surrounded with a wide strip of paper, and the portion enclosed
taken, say one-third. Having removed this, and carefully trimmed the edges, made
hollow in the sides, as in the coin-mould, and soaped them, it is to be replaced upon the
cylinder, and another portion taken, say another third, by hooping with paper, &c.
as before. This after being separated from the first portion, trimmed, &c. as before,
is once more, with the first portion, to be applied to the cylinder hooped with paper, and
the third portion taken. When used for casting, after moistening and putting together,
a piece of doubled paper may be applied to one end, which may be kept in its place by
a finger placed beneath it, and the sulphur poured in at the other end, until the hollow
left by the contraction of the sulphur disappears. When cool, the mould is to be
removed, and the cast trimmed, cleared of the marks of the junction of the mould,
and, if thought fit, black leaded and varnished, as in the case of the coins.

" Mr. Williams concluded with a few words respecting the purchase of plaster of
Paris. Of this article there are sevei'al qualities ; that procured at the oil-shops being
the commonest. That which is known by the name of Super is the only kind which
should be used for moulds ; and it is not generally to be obtained except from the
actual manufacturers. The best he has met with is prepared by Grande and Sons, Bed-
ford Street, Liquorpond Street ; and sold at the rate of one shilling and sixpence per
bag of fourteen pounds ; or wholesale at seven shillings per cwt. A bag of seven
pounds may, however, be procured.

Note. — I have extracted and published this, in the belief that the account
of the process may be useful to coin collectors in this country.

ft

941

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

(Wednesday Evening, X^th January , 1841 J

The Honorable H. T. Prinsep in the Chair.

The following gentlemen were proposed as Members: —

Capt. R. Fitzgerald, of Engineers, by the Officiating Secretary, seconded by
Lieut A. Broome of Artillery.

C. B. Trevor, Esq., C.S. by T. S. Torrens, Esq., seconded by the Officiating
Secretary.

Raja Khan Behadoor, Khan of Gyah, by the Honorable H. T. Prinsep,
seconded by the Officiating Secretary.

The following gentlemen, have been elected Office-bearers for the current year —

President :
The Honorable Sir Edward Ryan,

Vice-Presidents :
The Honorable Sir J. P. Grant,

Sir H. Seton,

H. T. Prinsep,

W. W Bird.

Committee of Papers :
Major W. N. Forbes, C. Huffnagle, Esq.,

E. Stirling, Esq., Lieut. A. Broome,

N. Wallich, Esq., M. D. Dr. J. J. H^eberlin,

H. H. Spry, Esq., M. D. Baboo Prosoonooomar Tagore.

Professor W. B. O'Shaughnessy,

Library and Museum.
The following books were presented : —

Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia— England ; vol. 10th, 1

Ditto ditto— Greece, vol. 7th, 1

Madras Journal of Literature and Science, No. 27 April — June, 1840 I

Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, by Professor Jameson, No. 57 April —

July, 1840 J

London, Edinburgh, and Dublin, Philosophical Magazine and Journal of

Science, 3rd series, vo